Timur (Tamerlane, Timurleng) (1336-1405), commander, Central Asian emir (since 1370).
Born in the village of Khadzha-Ilgar. The son of Bek Taragai from the Mongolian Barlas tribe grew up in poverty, dreaming of the glorious exploits of Genghis Khan. They seemed to be gone forever. The young man’s share was only in clashes between the “princes” of small villages.
When the Mogolistan army arrived in Transoxiana, Timur happily went to serve the founder and khan of Mogolistan Togluk-Timur and was appointed governor of the Kashkadarya district. From the wound he received, he acquired the nickname Timurleng (Timur Khromets).
When the old khan died, Khromets felt like an independent ruler, entered into an alliance with the emir of Balkh and Samarkand Hussein and married him. Together they opposed the new Khan of Mogolistan, Ilyas Khoja, in 1365, but were defeated. Kicked out the conquerors
a rebellious people, whom Timur and Hussein then brutally dealt with.
After this, Timur killed Hussein and began to rule Transoxiana alone on behalf of the descendants of Genghis Khan. Imitating his idol in organizing the army, Timur convinced the nomadic and sedentary nobility that a place in the disciplined army of the conquerors would give them more than vegetating in their semi-independent possessions. He moved to the possessions of the Khan of the Golden Horde Mamai and took away Southern Khorezm from him (1373-1374), and then helped his ally, Khan Tokhtamysh, to take the throne.
Tokhtamysh started a war against Timur (1389-1395), in which the Horde was defeated and its capital, Sarai, was burned.
Only on the border of Rus', which seemed to Timur an ally, did he turn back.
In 1398 Timur invaded India and took Delhi. The only opponent of his huge state, which included Central Asia, Transcaucasia, Iran and Punjab, was the Ottoman Empire. Sultan Bayezid I, who led her troops after his brother right on the Kosovo field and completely defeated the crusaders, entered into a decisive battle with Timur near Ankara (1402). Timur carried Sultan with him for a long time in a golden cage, showing it to the people. The emir sent the looted treasures to his capital Samarkand, where he carried out major construction.
Tamerlane
Central Asian conquering commander.
Tamerlane, the most powerful of the Central Asian generals in the Middle Ages, restored the former Mongol Empire of Genghis Khan (No. 4). His long life as a commander was spent in almost constant battle, as he sought to expand the borders of his state and hold the conquered lands that stretched from the Mediterranean coast in the south to India in the west and to Russia in the north.
He was born in 1336 into a Mongol military family in Kesh (present-day Shakhrisaba, Uzbekistan). His name comes from the nickname Timur Leng (Lame Timur), which is associated with his lameness in his left leg. Despite his humble origins and physical handicap, Timur, thanks to his abilities, achieved high ranks in the Mongol Khanate, whose territory covers modern Turkestan and central Siberia. In 1370, Tamerlane, who became the head of the government, overthrew the khan and seized power in the Dzhagatai ulus. After this, he proclaimed himself a direct descendant of Genghis Khan. Over the next thirty-five years, Tamerlane waged wars of conquest, capturing more and more territories and suppressing all internal resistance.
Tamerlane sought to take the wealth of the conquered lands to his palace in Samarkand. Unlike Genghis Khan, he did not unite the newly conquered lands into an empire, but left behind monstrous destruction and erected pyramids of enemy skulls to commemorate his victories. Although Tamerlane greatly valued literature and art and turned Samarkand into a cultural center, he and his men carried out military operations with barbaric cruelty.
Starting with the subjugation of neighboring tribes, Tamerlane then began to fight with Persia. In 1380-1389. he conquered Iran, Mesopotamia, Armenia and Georgia. In 1390 he invaded Russia, and in 1392 he marched back through Persia, suppressing a rebellion that had broken out there, killing all his opponents along with their families and burning their cities.
Tamerlane was an excellent tactician and fearless commander who knew how to raise the morale of his soldiers, and his army often numbered more than a hundred thousand people. Tamerlane's military organization was somewhat reminiscent of that of Genghis Khan. The main striking force was cavalry, armed with bows and swords, and spare horses carried supplies for long campaigns.
Obviously, only because of his love of war and imperial ambitions, in 1389 Tamerlane invaded India, captured Delhi, where his army carried out a massacre, and destroyed what he could not take to Samarkand. Only a century later was Delhi able to recover from the damage suffered. Not content with civilian casualties, Tamerlane, after the Battle of Panipat on December 17, 1398, killed one hundred thousand captured Indian soldiers.
In 1401, Tamerlane conquered Syria, killing twenty thousand inhabitants of Damascus, and the following year defeated the Turkish Sultan Bayezid I. After this, even those countries that were not yet subject to Tamerlane recognized his power and paid him tribute, just to avoid invasion his horde In 1404, Tamerlane received tribute even from the Egyptian Sultan and the Byzantine Emperor John.
Now Tamerlane's empire could rival Genghis Khan's in size, and the palace of the new conqueror was full of treasures. But although Tamerlane was well over sixty, he did not calm down. He plotted an invasion of China. However, on January 19, 1405, before he could implement this plan, Tamerlane died. His tomb, Gur Emir, is today one of the great architectural monuments of Samarkand.
According to Tamerlane's will, the empire was divided between his sons and grandsons. It is not surprising that his heirs turned out to be bloodthirsty and ambitious. In 1420, after many years of war, Tamerlane's youngest son Sharuk, the only survivor, received power over his father's empire.
Of course, Tamerlane was a powerful commander, but he was not a politician capable of creating a true empire. The conquered territories only provided him with booty and soldiers for robbery. He left no other accomplishments except scorched earth and pyramids of skulls. But it is indisputable that his conquests were very extensive, and his army kept all neighboring countries in fear. His direct influence on life in Central Asia lasted for much of the 14th century, and his conquests led to a rise in militancy as peoples were forced to arm themselves to defend themselves against Tamerlane's hordes.
Tamerlane achieved his conquests thanks to the size and power of his army and merciless cruelty. In our series, he can be compared with Adolf Hitler (No. 14) and Saddam Hussein (No. 81). Tamerlane took a place between these two historical figures, because he surpassed the latter in cruelty, although he was far inferior to the former.
Timur, the son of a bek from the Turkified Mongolian Barlas tribe, was born in Kesh (modern Shakhrisabz, Uzbekistan), southwest of Bukhara. His father had a small ulus. The name of the Central Asian conqueror comes from the nickname Timur Leng (Lame Timur), which was associated with his lameness in his left leg. Since childhood, he persistently engaged in military exercises and at the age of 12 began going on hikes with his father. He was a zealous Mohammedan, which played a significant role in his fight against the Uzbeks.
Timur early showed his military abilities and ability not only to command people, but also to subjugate them to his will. In 1361, he entered the service of Khan Togluk, a direct descendant of Genghis Khan. He owned large territories in Central Asia. Quite soon, Timur became an adviser to the khan’s son Ilyas Khoja and the ruler (viceroy) of the Kashkadarya vilayet in the domain of Khan Togluk. By that time, the son of the bek from the Barlas tribe already had his own detachment of mounted warriors.
But after some time, having fallen into disgrace, Timur with his military detachment of 60 people fled across the Amu Darya River to the Badakhshan Mountains. There his squad was replenished. Khan Togluk sent a detachment of a thousand in pursuit of Timur, but he, having fallen into a well-arranged ambush, was almost completely exterminated in battle by Timur’s soldiers.
Gathering his forces, Timur concluded a military alliance with the ruler of Balkh and Samarkand, Emir Hussein, and began a war with Khan Togluk and his son-heir Ilyas Khoja, whose army consisted mainly of Uzbek warriors. The Turkmen tribes sided with Timur, giving him numerous cavalry. Soon he declared war on his ally, the Samarkand emir Hussein, and defeated him.
Timur captured Samarkand, one of the largest cities in Central Asia, and intensified military operations against the son of Khan Togluk, whose army, according to exaggerated data, numbered about 100 thousand people, but 80 thousand of them formed garrisons of fortresses and almost did not participate in field battles. Timur's cavalry squad numbered only about 2 thousand people, but they were experienced warriors. In a series of battles, Timur defeated the Khan's troops, and by 1370 their remnants retreated across the Syr River.
After these successes, Timur resorted to military stratagem, which was a brilliant success. On behalf of the khan's son, who commanded Togluk's troops, he sent out an order to the commandants of the fortresses to leave the fortresses entrusted to them and to retreat beyond the Syr River with the garrison troops. So, with the help of military cunning, Timur cleared all the enemy fortresses of the khan’s troops.
In 1370, a kurultai was convened, at which the rich and noble Mongol owners elected a direct descendant of Genghis Khan, Kobul Shah Aglan, as khan. However, Timur soon removed him from his path. By that time, he had significantly replenished his military forces, primarily at the expense of the Mongols, and could now lay claim to independent khan power.
In the same 1370, Timur became emir in Transoxiana - the region between the Amu Darya and Syr Darya rivers and ruled on behalf of the descendants of Genghis Khan, relying on the army, nomadic nobility and Muslim clergy. He made the city of Samarkand his capital.
Timur began preparing for large campaigns of conquest by organizing a strong army. At the same time, he was guided by the combat experience of the Mongols and the rules of the great conqueror Genghis Khan, which his descendants had completely forgotten by that time.
Timur began his struggle for power with a detachment of 313 soldiers loyal to him. They formed the backbone of the command staff of the army he created: 100 people began to command dozens of soldiers, 100 - hundreds, and the last 100 - thousands. Timur's closest and most trusted associates received senior military positions.
He paid special attention to the selection of military leaders. In his army, the foremen were chosen by the dozen soldiers themselves, but Timur personally appointed the centurions, thousand and higher-ranking commanders. “A boss whose power is weaker than a whip and stick is unworthy of the title,” said the Central Asian conqueror.
His army, unlike the troops of Genghis Khan and Batu Khan, received a salary. An ordinary warrior received from two to four times the price of horses. The size of such a salary was determined by the service performance of the soldier. The foreman received the salary of his dozen and therefore was personally interested in the proper performance of service by his subordinates. The centurion received the salary of six foremen and so on.
There was also a system of awards for military distinctions. This could be the praise of the emir himself, an increase in salary, valuable gifts, rewarding with expensive weapons, new ranks and honorary titles - such as, for example, Brave or Bogatyr. The most common punishment was the withholding of a tenth of the salary for a specific disciplinary offense.
Timur's cavalry, which formed the basis of his army, was divided into light and heavy. Simple light-horse warriors were required to be armed with a bow, 18-20 arrows, 10 arrowheads, an axe, a saw, an awl, a needle, a lasso, a tursuk (water bag) and a horse. For 19 such warriors on a campaign, one wagon was relied upon. Selected Mongol warriors served in the heavy cavalry. Each of her warriors had a helmet, iron protective armor, a sword, a bow and two horses. For five such horsemen there was one wagon. In addition to the mandatory weapons, there were pikes, maces, sabers and other weapons. The Mongols carried everything they needed for camping on spare horses.
Light infantry appeared in the Mongol army under Timur. These were horse archers (carrying 30 arrows) who dismounted before the battle. Thanks to this, shooting accuracy increased. Such mounted riflemen were very effective in ambushes, during military operations in the mountains and during the siege of fortresses.
Timur's army was distinguished by a well-thought-out organization and a strictly defined order of formation. Each warrior knew his place in the ten, the ten in the hundred, the hundred in the thousand. Individual units of the army differed in the color of their horses, the color of their clothes and banners, and their combat equipment. According to the laws of Genghis Khan, before the campaign, the soldiers were given a strict review.
During campaigns, Timur took care of reliable military guards in order to avoid a surprise attack by the enemy. On the way or at a stop, security detachments were separated from the main forces at a distance of up to five kilometers. From them, patrol posts were sent out even further, which, in turn, sent mounted sentries ahead.
Being an experienced commander, Timur chose flat terrain, with sources of water and vegetation, for the battles of his predominantly cavalry army. He lined up the troops for battle so that the sun did not shine in the eyes and thus did not blind the archers. He always had strong reserves and flanks to encircle the enemy drawn into battle.
Timur began the battle with light cavalry, which bombarded the enemy with a cloud of arrows. After this, horse attacks began, which followed one after another. When the opposing side began to weaken, a strong reserve consisting of heavy armored cavalry was brought into battle. Timur said: “The ninth attack gives victory.” This was one of his main rules in the war.
Timur began his campaigns of conquest beyond his original possessions in 1371. By 1380, he had made 9 military campaigns, and soon all neighboring regions inhabited by Uzbeks and most of the territory of modern Afghanistan came under his rule. Any resistance to the Mongol army was severely punished - commander Timur left behind enormous destruction and erected pyramids from the heads of defeated enemy warriors.
In 1376, Emir Timur provided military assistance to the descendant of Genghis Khan, Tokhtamysh, as a result of which the latter became one of the khans of the Golden Horde. However, Tokhtamysh soon repaid his patron with black ingratitude.
The Emir's Palace in Samarkand was constantly replenished with treasures. It is believed that Timur brought to his capital up to 150 thousand of the best craftsmen from the conquered countries, who built numerous palaces for the emir, decorating them with paintings depicting the aggressive campaigns of the Mongol army.
In 1386, Emir Timur launched a campaign of conquest in the Caucasus. Near Tiflis, the Mongol army fought with the Georgian army and won a complete victory. The capital of Georgia was destroyed. The defenders of the Vardzia fortress, the entrance to which led through the dungeon, put up brave resistance to the conquerors. Georgian soldiers repulsed all enemy attempts to break into the fortress through an underground passage. The Mongols managed to take Vardzia with the help of wooden platforms, which they lowered on ropes from the neighboring mountains. At the same time as Georgia, neighboring Armenia was also conquered.
In 1388, after long resistance, Khorezm fell and its capital Urgench was destroyed. Now all the lands along the Jeyhun (Amu Darya) river from the Pamir Mountains to the Aral Sea became the possessions of Emir Timur.
In 1389, the cavalry army of the Samarkand emir made a campaign in the steppes to Lake Balkhash, in the territory of Semirechye - the south of modern Kazakhstan.
When Timur fought in Persia, Tokhtamysh, who became the khan of the Golden Horde, attacked the emir's possessions and plundered their northern part. Timur hastily returned to Samarkand and began to carefully prepare for a great war with the Golden Horde. Timur's cavalry had to travel 2,500 kilometers across the arid steppes. Timur made three major campaigns - in 1389, 1391 and 1394-1395. In the last campaign, the Samarkand emir went to the Golden Horde along the western coast of the Caspian Sea through Azerbaijan and the Derbent fortress.
In July 1391, the largest battle took place near Lake Kergel between the armies of Emir Timur and Khan Tokhtamysh. The forces of the parties were approximately equal - 300 thousand mounted warriors each, but these figures in the sources are clearly overestimated. The battle began at dawn with mutual archery fire, followed by mounted charges against each other. By noon, the army of the Golden Horde was defeated and put to flight. The winners received the Khan's camp and numerous herds.
Timur successfully waged war against Tokhtamysh, but did not annex his possessions to himself. The Emir's Mongol troops plundered the Golden Horde capital of Sarai-Berke. Tokhtamysh with his troops and nomads more than once fled to the most remote corners of his possessions.
In the campaign of 1395, Timur’s army, after another pogrom of the Volga territories of the Golden Horde, reached the southern borders of the Russian land and besieged the border fortress town of Yelets. Its few defenders could not resist the enemy, and Yelets was burned. After this, Timur unexpectedly turned back.
The Mongol conquests of Persia and neighboring Transcaucasia lasted from 1392 to 1398. The decisive battle between the army of Emir Timur and the Persian army of Shah Mansur took place near Patila in 1394. The Persians energetically attacked the enemy center and almost broke its resistance. Having assessed the situation, Timur strengthened his reserve of heavy armored cavalry with troops that had not yet joined the battle, and he himself led a counterattack, which became victorious. The Persian army was completely defeated at the Battle of Patil. This victory allowed Timur to completely subjugate Persia.
When an anti-Mongol uprising broke out in a number of cities and regions of Persia, Timur again set out on a campaign there at the head of his army. All the cities that rebelled against him were destroyed, and their inhabitants were mercilessly exterminated. In the same way, the Samarkand ruler suppressed protests against Mongol rule in other countries he conquered.
In 1398, the great conqueror invades India. In the same year, Timur's army besieged the fortified city of Merath, which the Indians themselves considered impregnable. Having examined the city fortifications, the emir ordered digging. However, underground work progressed very slowly, and then the besiegers took the city by storm with the help of ladders. Having burst into Merath, the Mongols killed all its inhabitants. After this, Timur ordered the destruction of the Merath fortress walls.
One of the battles took place on the Ganges River. Here the Mongol cavalry fought with the Indian military flotilla, which consisted of 48 large river ships. The Mongol warriors rushed with their horses into the Ganges and swam to attack enemy ships, hitting their crews with well-aimed archery.
At the end of 1398, Timur's army approached the city of Delhi. Under its walls, on December 17, a battle took place between the Mongol army and the army of Delhi Muslims under the command of Mahmud Tughlaq. The battle began when Timur with a detachment of 700 horsemen, having crossed the Jamma River to reconnoiter the city fortifications, was attacked by the 5,000-strong cavalry of Mahmud Tughlaq. Timur repelled the first attack, and soon the main forces of the Mongol army entered the battle, and the Delhi Muslims were driven behind the city walls.
Timur captured Delhi in battle, subjecting this numerous and rich Indian city to plunder and its inhabitants to massacre. The conquerors left Delhi, burdened with enormous booty. Everything that could not be taken to Samarkand, Timur ordered to be destroyed or completely destroyed. It took a century for Delhi to recover from the Mongol pogrom.
The cruelty of Timur on Indian soil is best evidenced by the following fact. After the battle of Panipat in 1398, he ordered the killing of 100 thousand Indian soldiers who surrendered to him.
In 1400, Timur began a campaign of conquest in Syria, moving there through Mesopotamia, which he had previously conquered. Near the city of Aleppo (modern Aleppo) on November 11, a battle took place between the Mongol army and Turkish troops commanded by Syrian emirs. They did not want to sit under siege behind the fortress walls and went out to battle in the open field. The Mongols inflicted a crushing defeat on their opponents, and they retreated to Aleppo, losing several thousand people killed. After this, Timur took and plundered the city, taking its citadel by storm.
The Mongol conquerors behaved in Syria in the same way as in other conquered countries. All the most valuable things were to be sent to Samarkand. In the Syrian capital of Damascus, which was captured on January 25, 1401, the Mongols killed 20 thousand inhabitants.
After the conquest of Syria, a war began against the Turkish Sultan Bayazid I. The Mongols captured the border fortress of Kemak and the city of Sivas. When the Sultan's ambassadors arrived there, Timur, to intimidate them, reviewed his huge, according to some information, 800,000-strong army. After this, he ordered the capture of crossings across the Kizil-Irmak River and besieged the Ottoman capital Ankara. This forced the Turkish army to accept a general battle with the Mongols near the camps of Ankara, which took place on June 20, 1402.
According to eastern sources, the Mongol army numbered from 250 to 350 thousand soldiers and 32 war elephants brought to Anatolia from India. The Sultan's army, consisting of Ottoman Turks, mercenary Crimean Tatars, Serbs and other peoples of the Ottoman Empire, numbered 120-200 thousand people.
Timur won victory largely thanks to the successful actions of his cavalry on the flanks and the bribery of 18 thousand mounted Crimean Tatars to his side. In the Turkish army, the Serbs who were on the left flank held out most steadfastly. Sultan Bayezid I was captured, and the encircled Janissary infantrymen were completely killed. Those who fled were pursued by the emir's 30,000-strong light cavalry.
After a convincing victory at Ankara, Timur besieged the large coastal city of Smyrna and, after a two-week siege, captured and plundered it. The Mongol army then turned back to Central Asia, once again plundering Georgia along the way.
After these events, even those neighboring countries that managed to avoid the aggressive campaigns of Timur the Lame recognized his power and began to pay him tribute, just to avoid the invasion of his troops. In 1404 he received a large tribute from the Egyptian Sultan and the Byzantine Emperor John.
By the end of Timur's reign, his vast state included Transoxiana, Khorezm, Transcaucasia, Persia (Iran), Punjab and other lands. All of them were united together artificially, through the strong military power of the conquering ruler.
Timur, as a conqueror and great commander, reached the heights of power thanks to the skillful organization of his large army, built according to the decimal system and continuing the traditions of the military organization of Genghis Khan.
According to the will of Timur, who died in 1405 and was preparing a great campaign of conquest in China, his power was divided between his sons and grandsons. They immediately began a bloody internecine war, and in 1420 Sharuk, the only one remaining among Timur’s heirs, received power over his father’s possessions and the emir’s throne in Samarkand.
Tamerlane (Timur; April 9, 1336, village of Khoja-Ilgar, modern Uzbekistan - February 18, 1405, Otrar, modern Kazakhstan; Chagatai تیمور (Temür, Tēmōr) - “iron”) - Central Asian conqueror who played a significant role in history . Outstanding commander, emir (since 1370). Founder of the Timurid empire and dynasty, with its capital in Samarkand.
Tamerlane was born into a family of hereditary Mongol warriors. Since childhood, he had a limp on his left leg. Despite the fact that he came from a completely unremarkable and not noble family, and even had a physical disability, Timur achieved high ranks in the Mongol Khanate. The year was 1370. Tamerlane became head of government. He overthrew the khan and seized power over the Dzhagatai ulus. After this, he openly declared that he was a direct descendant of Genghis Khan. For the next thirty-five years he conquered new lands. He suppressed riots and expanded his power.
Tamerlane differed from Genghis Khan in that he did not unite all the captured lands together. However, he left behind colossal destruction. Tamerlane erected pyramids from enemy skulls. This showed his strength and power. Tamerlane decided to take all the loot to the fortress in Samarkand. Timur turned Samarkand into a cultural center. The conqueror greatly appreciated literature and art. However, this did not lessen his cruelty. He and his army were bloodthirsty barbarians.
Tamerlane began to seize lands from nearby tribes. Then he started a war with Persia. In nine years he conquered Iran, Mesopotamia, Armenia and Georgia. An uprising broke out in Persia, but Timur quickly suppressed it. He killed all opponents. He burned women and children, devastated cities. Tamerlane was an excellent tactician, strategist and commander. He knew how to raise the morale of soldiers. By the way, his army numbered about a hundred thousand people. The military organization was a bit like that of Genghis Khan's time. The main ones were cavaliers, armed with bows and swords. Spare horses carried supplies in case of a long hike.
In 1389, Tamerlane invaded India. Most likely due to a love of war and killing, as well as imperial ambitions. He captured Delhi. He carried out a massacre there and destroyed what he could not take to Samarkand. It took a century for India to recover from this senseless massacre and loss. Tamerlane was still out for blood and killed one hundred thousand captured soldiers in India.
In 1401 Timur captured Syria. Killed twenty thousand inhabitants of Damascus. A year later he defeated Sultan Bayezid I. Even then, the countries that were not conquered by Timur recognized his power. Byzantium and Egypt paid him so that he would not destroy their countries.
Tamerlane's empire was even larger than Genghis Khan's empire once upon a time. The conqueror's palace was full of riches. And although Timur was over sixty, he decided to conquer China. However, this plan failed. Before the campaign, the conqueror died. According to the will, the empire was divided between his grandchildren and sons. Tamerlane was, of course, a talented leader and warrior, but he left behind nothing but scorched earth and pyramids of skulls.
Tamerlane is one of the greatest conquerors in world history. His whole life was spent on campaigns. He took Khorezm, defeated the Golden Horde, conquered Armenia, Persia and Syria, defeated the Ottoman Sultan and even reached India.
Tamerlane (or Timur) was a Turko-Mongol conqueror whose victories made him master of much of Western Asia. Tamerlane belonged to the Turkified Mongol clan Barlas, whose representatives, as the Mongol armies advanced westward, settled in the Kashka Valley, near Samarkand. Tamerlane was born near Shakhrisabz on April 9, 1336. This place is located on the territory of modern Uzbekistan between the Amu Darya and Syr Darya rivers, and at the time of his birth these lands belonged to Chagatai Khan, named after the founder of his clan, the second son of Genghis Khan.
In 1346-1347 Kazan Khan Chagatai was defeated by the Emir of Kazgan and was killed, as a result of which Central Asia ceased to be part of his khanate. After Kazgan's death in 1358, a period of anarchy followed, and the forces of Tughlaq Timur, ruler of the territories beyond the Syr Darya known as Mogolistan, invaded Transoxiana first in 1360 and then in 1361 in an attempt to seize power.
Tamerlane declared himself a vassal of Tughlak Timur and became the ruler of the territory from Shakhrisabz to Karshi. Soon, however, he rebelled against the rulers of Mogolistan and created an alliance with Hussein, the grandson of Kazgan. Together in 1363 they defeated the army of Ilyas-Khoja, the son of Tughlak-Timur. However, around 1370, the allies fell out and Tamerlane, having captured his comrade-in-arms, announced his intention to revive the Mongol Empire. Tamerlane became the sole master of Central Asia, settling in Samarkand and making this city the capital of the new state and his main residence.
From 1371 to 1390, Tamerlane made seven campaigns against Mogolistan, finally defeating the army of Kamar ad-Din and Anka-tyur in 1390. Tamerlane launched his first two campaigns against Kamar ad-Din in the spring and autumn of 1371. The first campaign ended in a truce; during the second, Tamerlane, leaving Tashkent, moved towards the village of Yangi in Taraz. There he put the Moguls to flight and captured large booty.
In 1375, Tamerlane carried out his third successful campaign. He left Sairam and passed through the regions of Talas and Tokmak, returning to Samarkand through Uzgen and Khojent. However, Qamar ad-Din was not defeated. When Tamerlane's army returned to Transoxiana, Qamar ad-Din invaded Fergana in the winter of 1376 and besieged the city of Andijan. The governor of Fergana, the third son of Tamerlane, Umar Sheikh, fled to the mountains. Tamerlane hurried to Fergana and for a long time pursued the enemy beyond Uzgen and the Yassy mountains to the At-Bashi valley, the southern tributary of the upper Naryn.
In 1376-1377, Tamerlane made his fifth campaign against Kamar ad-Din. He defeated his army in the gorges west of Issyk-Kul and pursued him to Kochkar. Tamerlane's sixth campaign in the Issyk-Kul region against Kamar ad-Din took place in 1383, but the Ulusbegi managed to escape again.
In 1389, Tamerlane set out on his seventh campaign. In 1390, Kamar ad-din was finally defeated, and Mogolistan finally ceased to threaten the power of Tamerlane. However, Tamerlane only reached the Irtysh in the north, Alakul in the east, Emil and the headquarters of the Mongol khans Balig-Yulduz, but he was unable to conquer the lands east of the Tangri-Tag and Kashgar mountains. Kamar ad-Din fled to the Irtysh and subsequently died of dropsy. Khizr-Khoja established himself as the Khan of Mogulistan.
2 First campaigns in Western Asia
In 1380, Tamerlane went on a campaign against Malik Ghiyas ad-din Pir-Ali II, since he did not want to recognize himself as a vassal of Emir Tamerlane and began to strengthen the defensive walls of his capital, Herat, in response. At first, Tamerlane sent an ambassador to him with an invitation to the kurultai in order to solve the problem peacefully, but Ghiyas ad-din Pir-Ali II rejected the offer, detaining the ambassador. In response to this, in April 1380, Tamerlane sent ten regiments to the left bank of the Amu Darya. His troops captured the regions of Balkh, Shibergan and Badkhyz. In February 1381, Tamerlane himself marched with troops and took Khorasan, the cities of Serakhs, Jami, Kausiya, Tuye and Kelat, and the city of Herat was taken after a five-day siege. In addition to Kelat, Sebzevar was captured, as a result of which the state of the Serbedars finally ceased to exist. In 1382, Tamerlane's son Miran Shah was appointed ruler of Khorasan. In 1383, Tamerlane devastated Sistan and brutally suppressed the Serbedar uprising in Sebzevar. In 1383, he took Sistan, in which the fortresses of Zireh, Zave, Farah and Bust were defeated. In 1384 he captured the cities of Astrabad, Amul, Sari, Sultaniya and Tabriz, effectively capturing all of Persia.
3 Three-year campaign and conquest of Khorezm
Tamerlane began his first, so-called “three-year” campaign in the western part of Persia and the adjacent regions in 1386. In November 1387, Tamerlane's troops took Isfahan and captured Shiraz. Despite the successful start of the campaign, Tamerlane was forced to return due to the invasion of Transoxiana by the Golden Horde Khan Tokhtamysh in alliance with the Khorezmians. A garrison of 6,000 soldiers was left in Isfahan, and its ruler Shah-Mansur from the Muzaffarid dynasty, Tamerlane, took with him. Soon after the departure of Tamerlane's main troops, a popular uprising took place in Isfahan under the leadership of the blacksmith Ali Kuchek. Tamerlane's entire garrison was killed.
In 1388, Tamerlane drove out the Tatars and took the capital of Khorezm, Urgench. By order of Tamerlane, the Khorezmians who resisted were mercilessly exterminated and the city was destroyed.
4 First campaign against the Golden Horde
In January 1391, Tamerlane's army set out on a campaign against the Golden Horde Khan Tokhtamysh. To gain time, Tokhtamysh sent envoys, but Tamerlane refused negotiations. His army passed Yasy and Tabran, passed the Hungry Steppe and by April, crossing the Sarysa River, reached the Ulytau Mountains. Tokhtamysh's army, however, eluded the battle.
On May 12, Tamerlane's army reached Tobol, and by June they saw the Yaik River. Fearing that the guides might lead his people to an ambush, Tamerlane decided not to use ordinary fords, but ordered them to swim across in less favorable places. A week later, his army arrived on the banks of the Samara River, where scouts reported that the enemy was already nearby. However, the Golden Horde retreated to the north, using “scorched earth” tactics. As a result, Tokhtamysh accepted the battle, and on June 18 the battle took place on the Kondurche River near Itil. In this battle, the Golden Horde were completely defeated, but Tokhtamysh managed to escape. Tamerlane's army did not cross the Volga and moved back through Yaik and reached Otrar two months later.
5 “Five Year Campaign” and the defeat of the Horde
Tamerlane began his second long, so-called “five-year” campaign in Iran in 1392. In the same year, Tamerlane conquered the Caspian regions, in 1393 - western Persia and Baghdad, and in 1394 - Transcaucasia. By 1394, King George VII managed to carry out defensive measures - he assembled a militia, to which he added the Caucasian highlanders, including the Nakhs. At first, the united Georgian-Mountain army had some success; they were even able to push back the vanguard of the conquerors. Ultimately, however, Tamerlane's approach with the main forces decided the outcome of the war. The defeated Georgians and Nakhs retreated north into the mountain gorges of the Caucasus. Considering the strategic importance of the pass roads to the North Caucasus, especially the natural fortress of the Daryal Gorge, Tamerlane decided to capture it. However, a huge mass of troops was so mixed up in the mountain gorges that they turned out to be ineffective. Tamerlane appointed one of his sons, Umar Sheikh, as the ruler of Fars, and another son, Miran Shah, as the ruler of Transcaucasia.
In 1394, Tamerlane learned that Tokhtamysh had again gathered an army and entered into an alliance against him with the Sultan of Egypt Barkuk. The Golden Horde Kipchaks poured south through Georgia and again began to devastate the borders of the empire. An army was sent against them, but the Horde retreated to the north and disappeared into the steppes.
In the spring of 1395, Tamerlane held a review of his army near the Caspian Sea. Having rounded the Caspian Sea, Tamerlane went first to the west, and then turned north in a wide arc. The army passed through the Derbent Passage, crossed Georgia and entered the territory of Chechnya. On April 15, two armies converged on the banks of the Terek. In the battle, the army of the Golden Horde was destroyed. To prevent Tokhtamysh from recovering again, Tamerlane’s army went north to the shores of Itil and drove Tokhtamysh into the forests of Bulgar. Then Tamerlane’s army moved west to the Dnieper, then rose north and ravaged Rus', and then descended to the Don, from where it returned to its homeland through the Caucasus in 1396.
6 Trek to India
In 1398, Tamerlane launched a campaign against India; along the way, the highlanders of Kafiristan were defeated. In December, Tamerlane defeated the army of the Delhi Sultan under the walls of Delhi and occupied the city without resistance, which a few days later was plundered by his army and burned. By order of Tamerlane, 100 thousand captured Indian soldiers were executed for fear of a mutiny on their part. In 1399, Tamerlane reached the banks of the Ganges, on the way back he took several more cities and fortresses and returned to Samarkand with huge booty.
7 Campaign in the Ottoman state
Returning from India in 1399, Tamerlane immediately began a new campaign. This campaign was initially caused by unrest in the region ruled by Miran Shah. Tamerlane deposed his son and defeated the enemies who invaded his domain. Moving west, Tamerlane encountered the Turkmen state of the Kara Koyunlu, the victory of Tamerlane's troops forced the Turkmen leader Kara Yusuf to flee west to the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid the Lightning. After which Kara Yusuf and Bayezid agreed on joint action against Tamerlane.
In 1400, Tamerlane began military operations against Bayezid, who captured Erzincan, where Tamerlane's vassal ruled, and against the Egyptian Sultan Faraj an-Nasir, whose predecessor, Barkuk, ordered the assassination of Tamerlane's ambassador back in 1393. In 1400, he took the fortresses of Kemak and Sivas in Asia Minor and Aleppo in Syria, which belonged to the Egyptian Sultan, and in 1401 he occupied Damascus.
On July 20, 1402, Tamerlane won a major victory over the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I, defeating him at the Battle of Ankara. The Sultan himself was captured. As a result of the battle, Tamerlane captured all of Asia Minor, and the defeat of Bayazid led to a peasant war in the Ottoman state and civil strife between Bayazid’s sons.
The fortress of Smyrna, which belonged to the Knights of St. John, which the Ottoman sultans could not take for 20 years, was captured by Tamerlane by storm in two weeks. The western part of Asia Minor was returned to the sons of Bayazid in 1403, and in the eastern part the local dynasties deposed by Bayezid were restored.
8 Trip to China
In the fall of 1404, 68-year-old Tamerlane began preparing an invasion of China. The main goal was to capture the remaining part of the Great Silk Road to obtain maximum profits and ensure the prosperity of his native Transoxiana and its capital Samarkand. The campaign was stopped due to the onset of a cold winter, and in February 1405 Tamerlane died.
Timur. Reconstruction based on the skull of M. Gerasimov
The significance of Timur in world history
It is a known fact that almost all the great conquerors, who did not stop at trifles, but tirelessly pursued the limitless expansion of their power, were fatalists; they felt like instruments of either a punishing deity or a mysterious fate, carried away by an irresistible current through streams of blood, through piles of corpses, onward and forward. These were: Attila, Genghis Khan, in our historical era, Napoleon; such was Tamerlane, a formidable warrior, whose name was repeated throughout the West with horror and amazement for centuries, although this time he himself escaped danger. This common feature is not accidental. The conquest of half the world, in the absence of such very special circumstances as during the time of Alexander the Great, can only succeed when the forces of the peoples are already half paralyzed by horror of the approaching enemy; and an individual person, if he is not yet simply at the level of development of an animal, is hardly capable of accepting on his personal conscience only all the disasters that a merciless war causes in the world, rushing from one battlefield to another for decades. This means that where it is not a matter of war for faith, in which much is already allowed in advance, since it first of all strives to achieve the high religious goal ad majorem Dei gloriam, only he will be at the height of the necessary insensibility and inhumanity, whose mind is absorbed in the persistent idea about the divine mission or about his “star” and is closed to everything that does not serve his exclusive purpose. A person who has not lost all concept of moral responsibility and universal human duties will therefore marvel at these most terrible phenomena in all world history in the same way as one might marvel at a majestic thunderstorm until the thunder strikes too dangerously close. The above consideration can, perhaps, serve to explain the special contradictions encountered in such characters, in none of them, perhaps, more than in Tamerlane or, to use a more precise form of his name, Timur. It cannot be said that any of the leaders of the second Mongol-Tatar migration of peoples differed from the leaders of the first in a lesser degree of savagery and ferocity. It is known that Timur especially loved, after winning a battle or conquering a city, to build the highest possible pyramids, either from just the heads or from the entire bodies of killed enemies; and where he found it useful or necessary to make a lasting impression or set an example, he made his hordes dealt with no better than Genghis Khan himself. And along with this, there are still traits that, in comparison with such ferocity, seem no less strange than Napoleon’s passion for Goethe’s Werther next to his brutal mercilessness. I do not derive this from the fact that under the name of Timur quite voluminous notes have reached us, partly military stories, partly discussions of a military-political nature, from the content of which it is often hardly possible to conclude that in the person of their author we have before us one of the greatest monsters of all times: even if their reliability were fully proven, one must still remember that paper endures everything, and the wise legislation of Genghis Khan can be cited as an example. There is also no need to attach too much importance to the saying carved on Timur’s ring: grow-rusti (in Persian: “right is might”); that it was not simple hypocrisy was revealed, for example, in one remarkable case, during the Armenian campaign of 796 (1394). The local chronicler describes him as follows: “He camped in front of the Pakran fortress and took possession of it. He ordered that three hundred Muslims be placed in two separate crowds, on one side, and three hundred Christians on the other. After that they were told: we will kill the Christians and release the Muslims. There were also two brothers of the bishop of this city who intervened in the crowd of infidels. But then the Mongols raised their swords, killed the Muslims and freed the Christians. Those two Christians immediately began to shout: we are servants of Christ, we are Orthodox. The Mongols exclaimed: you lied, so we will not let you out. And they killed both brothers. This caused deep sorrow to the bishop, although both of them died professing the true faith.” This case is all the more worthy of note because, generally speaking, Christians could not count on softness on the part of Timur; He was himself a Muslim and, although he was inclined towards Shiism, he, first of all, ardently pursued the strict implementation of the laws of the Koran and the extermination of infidels, unless they deserved mercy for themselves by abandoning any attempt at resistance. True, his co-religionists usually had it little better: “like ravenous wolves on abundant herds,” the Tatar hordes attacked, now, as 50 years before, the inhabitants of cities and countries that had aroused the displeasure of this terrible man; even peaceful surrender did not always save from murder and robbery, especially in cases where the poor were suspected of disrespect for Allah's law. The East Persian provinces got off the easiest this time, at least where they did not arouse the wrath of Timur with subsequent uprisings, simply because they had to be annexed to the direct possessions of the new winner of the world; even worse, he ordered to devastate Armenia, Syria and Asia Minor. In general, his invasion was the completion of the devastation of Muslim countries. When he died, in purely political terms everything again became the same as it had been before him; nowhere did circumstances unfold differently than, in all likelihood, would have happened if the momentary creation of his great kingdom had not occurred: but his pyramids of skulls could not contribute to the restoration of devastated cities and villages, and his “right” did not have any force awaken life from death; otherwise, it was, as the proverb says, that summum jus, which is the summa injuria. Indeed, Timur was only, so to speak, a “great organizer of victories”; the art with which he knew how to form his troops, train military leaders, and defeat opponents, no matter how little reliable we learn about him, is in any case a manifestation of as much courage and strength as a carefully pondering mind and extraordinary knowledge of people. Thus, with his thirty-five campaigns, he once again spread the horror of the Mongol name from the borders of China to the Volga, from the Ganges to the gates of Constantinople and Cairo.
Origin of Timur
Timur - his name means iron - was born on Shaban 25, 736 (April 8-9, 1336), on the outskirts of Traxoxan Kesh (now Shakhrisabz, south of Samarkand) or in one of the neighboring villages. His father, Taragai, was the leader of the Tatar tribe Barlas (or Barulas) and, as such, the main commander of the Kesh district occupied by them, that is, he owned one of the countless small regions into which the state of Jaghatai had long since broken up; Since the death of Barak, one or the other of Genghis Khan's successors or other ambitious leaders tried to unite them into large communities, but until then without real results. The Barlas tribe is officially classified as purely Mongolian; Timur’s origins are traced back to one of Genghis Khan’s closest confidants, and on the other hand, from the daughter of his son himself, Jaghatai. But he was by no means a Mongol; Since Genghis Khan was considered a Mongol, the flatterers of his powerful successor considered it their duty to establish the closest possible connection between him and the first founder of the world dominion of the Tatars, and the genealogies necessary for this purpose were compiled only subsequently.
Timur's appearance
Already Timur’s appearance did not correspond to the Mongol type. “He was,” says his Arab biographer, slender and large, tall, like a descendant of ancient giants, with a powerful head and forehead, dense in body and strong... his skin color was white and ruddy, without a dark tint; broad-shouldered, with strong limbs, strong fingers and long thighs, of proportional build, long beard, but with a deficiency in his right leg and arm, with eyes full of dark fire and a loud voice. He did not know the fear of death: already being close to 80 years old, he retained complete spiritual self-confidence, physically - strength and elasticity. In terms of hardness and resistance, it was like a rock. He did not like ridicule and lies, was inaccessible to jokes and fun, but he always wanted to hear the truth, even if it was unpleasant to him; failure never saddened him, and success never cheered him.” This is an image, the inner side of which seems completely consistent with reality, only in its external features it does not quite agree with the portrait that later images give us; nevertheless, in the main it may have a claim to some reliability, as the transmission of a tradition based on deep impressions, where stylistic considerations did not greatly influence the author, who obviously had excellent thought for the grace and symmetry of his presentation. There is no doubt the existence of a physical defect, to which he owes his Persian nickname Timurlenka, “lame Timur” (in Turkish - Aksak Timur); This flaw, however, could not be a significant obstacle in his movements, since his ability to ride horses and wield weapons was especially glorified. At that time it could have been especially useful to him.
Central Asia in Timur's youth
In the vast areas of the former kingdom of Jagatai, everything was again as it had been 150 years earlier, in the days of the collapse of the Karakitai state. Where a brave leader was found who knew how to gather several tribes around him for horseback riding and battles, a new principality quickly arose, and if another, stronger one appeared behind him, it would find an equally quick end. – The rulers of Kesh were subjected to a similar fate when, after the death of Taragai, his brother, Hadji Seyfaddin, took his place. Just at this time (760=1359), in Kashgar [the region north and east of the Syr Darya] one of the members of the house of Jagatai, the successor of Barak, named Tughluk-Timur, managed to proclaim himself khan and persuade many tribes of Turkestan to recognize their dignity . He set out with them to re-conquer the remaining provinces of the kingdom [that is, Central Asia], of which the most significant and still most flourishing was the region of the Oxus [Amu Darya]. The little prince Kesha with his weak forces was not able to resist the attack; but while he turned towards Khorasan, his nephew Timur went to the enemy camp and declared his submission to the rule of Tughluq (761=1360). It is clear that he was received with joy and granted the region of Kesh; but barely the khan had time to be confident in the possession of Transoxania [the region between the Amu Darya and Syr Darya], when new disagreements flared up between the tribal leaders in his army, which led to various small wars and forced Tughluk to temporarily return to Kashgar. While he was there trying to attract new and, if possible, more reliable forces, his emirs fought among themselves, and Timur constantly intervened in their feuds, taking care primarily to keep his uncle Hadji Sayfeddin of Kesh, who reappeared, at a distance on the horizon. Finally, they made peace; but when the Khan approached again (763=1362), who meanwhile managed to recruit new troops, Seyfaddin did not trust the world and went through the Oxus to Khorasan, where he died soon after.
Timur's participation in Central Asian civil strife
With the new distribution of possessions that Tughluk made after the soon completed conquest of Transoxania and the region between Herat and the Hindu Kush, he appointed his son Ilyas viceroy in Samarkand; Timur also gained importance at his court, and since the death of his uncle, he became the undisputed ruler of Kesh; then the khan went back to Kashgar. Meanwhile, discord soon occurred between Timur and the vizier of Ilyas; the former, it is said, had to leave the capital after the conspiracy he had conceived was discovered, and fled to Hussein, one of the emirs hostile to Tughluq and his house, who retired to the steppe with a few adherents after the defeat of his party. Meanwhile, his small army was scattered by government troops, and a period full of adventures began in Timur's life. He either wandered between the Oxus and Yaxartes [Amu Darya and Syr Darya], then hid in Kesh or Samarkand, was once held captive for several months by one of the small rulers, then released almost without any means, until finally he managed to once again gather around brought in several riders from Kesh and the surrounding area for new ventures and with them made their way to the south. There, since the collapse of the kingdom of Jagatai, Segestan again became independent under the control of its own prince, to whom a lot of trouble was caused by the neighboring mountain peoples of Gur and Afghanistan itself, of course, long since liberated from all foreign influence, and sometimes also by the rulers of neighboring Kerman. At Prince Segestan, according to a pre-made condition, Timur met with Hussein again and for some time helped him in military affairs; then they left Segestan and, apparently reinforced by new hordes of wandering Tatars, of whom there were many everywhere, went to the area near Balkh and Tokharistan, where they, partly by peaceful means, partly by strong attacks, subjugated region after region, and their troops quickly increased with success . The army approaching them from Samarkand, despite its numerical superiority, was defeated by them on the banks of the Oxus, thanks to a successful cunning; The Oxus was crossed, and then the population of Transoxania, already not very happy with the rule of the Kashgarians, flocked in crowds to both emirs. The extent to which Timur's inventive mind did not miss any means of harming his opponents and spreading fear and horror everywhere of his own, still moderate forces, can be seen from one story about this time. When he, sending out his troops in all directions, also wanted to occupy Kesh again, then, in order to achieve the appearance of a significant detachment of enemies stationed there, he ordered 200 horsemen to be sent to the city, each of whom had to tie a large, spreading branch to the tail of his horse. The extraordinary clouds of dust thus raised gave the garrison the impression that a countless army was approaching; He hastily cleared Kesh, and Timur could again set up his camp in his native place.
Timur and Hussein take over Central Asia
But he did not remain idle for long. The news was received that Tughluk Khan had died; Even before the approach of the brave rebels, Ilyas decided to return to Kashgar to ascend the throne of his father there, and was already preparing to set off with his army. It was assumed that even if he did not return immediately, he would still appear again in a short time to take the province from the rebel emirs. Therefore, Timur and Hussein considered it best to strike another blow to the retreating one, taking advantage of the fact that just at that time new troops were flocking to them, as the liberators of the country, from all sides; in fact, they managed to overtake the Kashgar army on the way, defeat it despite stubborn defense and pursue it beyond Jaxartes (765=1363). Transoxania was once again left to its own emirs. One of Jagatai's descendants, Kabul Shah, was elected khan, of course with the implied condition that he remain silent; but before the situation could be established, new troops were already approaching from Kashgar under the personal leadership of Ilyas. The Transoxans under the command of Timur and Hussein opposed them east of Jaxartes near Shash (Tashkent); but this time victory after a two-day battle remained on the side of the opponents (766 = 1365), Timur himself had to retreat to Kesh, and then back through the Oxus, since Hussein did not have the courage to hold the river line; everything achieved in the past year seemed lost. But the spirit of courage and self-confidence, which Timur apparently already knew how to instill in his subordinates, gave the residents of Samarkand the strength to successfully defend the city, which Ilyas began to siege soon after. At the decisive moment, when further defense seemed impossible, the enemy’s horses suddenly began to fall in masses from the plague; the enemies had to lift the siege, and its unsuccessful outcome was apparently fatal for the very rule of Ilyas. Rumor says, at least, that after a short time one of the emirs, Kamaraddin Dughlat, treacherously deprived him of the throne in life, and it can be assumed that the resulting confusion in Kashgar made further attempts against Transoxania impossible. In any case, further legends tell only about completely random attacks by small detachments from the border tribes, during new civil strife, which the Transoxan leaders still considered it necessary to establish among themselves in order to eliminate the external danger.
Assassination of Hussein by Timur
The relationship between the ambitious Timur and his former accomplice Hussein soon became especially unbearable, hardly solely due to the latter’s fault, as Timur’s panegyrists want to claim. In the war that quickly broke out between them (767=1366), the native emirs, as usual, wavered back and forth, and one day Timur again had such a bad time that he had only two hundred people left. He saved himself by an act of unheard-of courage. With his 243 horsemen, he approached the fortress of Nakhsheb (now Karshi in Transoxania) at night; 43 of them were to remain with the horses, with one hundred he lined up in front of one of the gates, and the last 100 were to climb over the city wall, kill the sentries who had fallen asleep at the gate and then let him in. The enterprise was a success; Before the inhabitants even knew of the proximity of the enemy, the fortress was in his power - most of the garrison, numbering 12,000 people, were located in the surrounding area and noticed too late that the very center of their position had been taken from them. With repeated short forays, Timur disturbed here and there the enemies who had returned to reoccupy the city, so that they, again exaggerating the number of his troops, finally withdrew (768 = 1366). Success, of course, again attracted a large army to him; but similar changes occurred several more times before the final victory smiled upon him. This happened in 771 (1369), when he managed to arrange a general alliance of emirs against Hussein, with whom he had previously united again in 769 (1367) regarding the division of the country. Apparently, he has already appeared here as a warrior of Allah; at least he forced one dervish to utter a prophecy to himself, authorizing him for this nickname, the influence of which contributed no little to the growth of his party. Hussein, whose residence was in Balkh, did not hope to retain the city after the lost battle; he surrendered, but was still killed by two of his personal enemies, if not by order of Timur, then still with his consent. Timur became the sole ruler of all Transoxania and the country south to the Hindu Kush.
Unification of Central Asia by Timur
Timur at the siege of Balkh. Miniature
The position he assumed was, no doubt, rather unclear. The Turk is always ready, as we have seen in many examples, to cut off the head of his legitimate sovereign if he does not like his rule; but he is extremely conservative in all religious and political relations and has difficulty in deciding to recognize as a new ruler someone who does not belong to the family of the previous one. Timur knew people too well not to take into account this mood of his people; he decided to present himself simply as an atabeg (to use a Western Turkish expression already known to us) of one of the Genghis Khanids: a sure sign that, let’s say in passing, that he himself was not related to the legitimate reigning dynasty. So, convened to confirm the changes that had taken place, the kurultai, the council of Transoxan ancestors, had to elect one of the descendants of Jaghatai to Khakan or Kaan, as the title of the highest Great Khan said, while Timur himself appropriated the lower title of Gur-Khan, which was worn by the former sovereigns of Kashgar and Samarkand and orders to officially call himself not Timur Khan, but only Timur Beg or Emir Timur. It's like Napoleon, who settled on the title of first consul; his successors only stopped electing the Great Khan, and they themselves also never accepted this title, but were content with the title of beg or shah. It is true that they had no reason to be especially proud, since immediately after the death of Timur, the kingdom that he forcibly assembled fell into pieces, just as before it was made up of pieces and scraps. More than once we could clearly see that among these peoples, who were still half nomadic, the power of the ruler was based solely on the influence that he was able to acquire with his personality. The endless work it took for Timur to rise from a petty commander to the highest command of the entire Transoxania during the ten-year wars, during which, almost until the moment of his final success, he often had to see himself in the position of a commander without an army; on the other hand, the complete impossibility of preserving the unity of his collective state after his death represents such a sharp contrast with the unquestioning obedience that all his unbridled fellow tribesmen, without exception, showed him for twenty-six years, from the very recognition of him as the universal ruler, that we would think to have a riddle before oneself, if the mentioned basic feature of the Turkish character did not provide a simple and satisfactory explanation; namely: the Turks, and not the Mongols themselves, played the main role with Timur during the second invasion of Western Asia; since, even if individual Mongol tribes remained from the time of Genghis Khan in the lands of Jaghatai, the overwhelming majority of the population, excluding the Persian Tajiks, still consisted of Turks in the broad sense of the word, and the Mongol minority had long since disappeared from it. In essence, this, of course, did not make much difference; not quite as bloodthirsty and barbaric as the hordes of Genghis Khan, but also quite bloodthirsty and barbaric were Timur’s troops in all the countries to which the great conqueror sent them from the moment he took power into his hands in Transoxania, in the sad result of his great military activities was and remains the final fall of the Eastern civilization of the Middle Ages.
Not without further troubles, the new sovereign of Transoxania managed to retain in his power the races, who were completely unaccustomed to subordination and obedience. More than once over the following years, stories are told about arrogant emirs and noyons who refused to tolerate a boss over them, no matter how strong he was; but these were always separate and unconnected uprisings, which were suppressed without much difficulty. In such cases, the gentleness, in fact unusual for Timur, is worthy of note, which he showed to people who did not want to recognize the elevation above themselves of their comrade, who was once barely equal to them: it is clear that he cared about restoring unity, which would not be violated by the feelings of revenge of individual childbirth, and only then hoped, by the strength of his personality and his external successes, the victories and spoils that he delivered to his own, to gradually transform any controversy into animated devotion. He was now thirty-four years old; his knowledge of men, his military abilities and his talents as a ruler had time to develop to full maturity during a long time of testing, and after two decades he succeeded in achieving his goal. Namely, until 781 (1379), the entire space of the old kingdom of Jagatai was conquered by almost annual campaigns, at the same time the riots that often mixed with these wars were pacified, and finally, the influence of the new power extended to the north-west. In addition to Kamaraddin of Kashgar, the pacification of the emir of the city of Khorezm, who for a long time enjoyed quite a lot of independence in his oasis lying aside, caused especially a lot of trouble; As soon as a peace treaty was concluded, and Timur arrived again in his capital, news usually soon arrived that Yusuf Bek - that was the name of the ruler of Khorezm - had rebelled again under some pretext. Finally, in 781 (1379), this stubborn man died, while his capital was again under siege; The inhabitants continued their defense for some time until the city was taken by force, and then it suffered a thorough punishment. The country came into the direct possession of Timur, while in the remote and far east of the Kashgar region, the conqueror was content with the fact that after several victories in 776–777 (1375–1376) he forced Kamaraddin to flee to the Central Asian steppes and took an oath of allegiance to himself from the tribes hitherto subject to him. A significant part of them probably increased Timur's army.
Timur's intervention in the affairs of the Golden Horde. Tokhtamysh
Already upon returning from the east, we find Timur strong enough to intervene in the affairs of a much larger state, although, no doubt, weakened by internal unrest, namely the Kipchak, which, since the death of Uzbek, the son of Jani-Bek (758 = 1357), was shaken by prolonged palace revolutions and broke up into several separate states, just like the kingdom of Jaghatai, with the difference that until then it had not found such a strong restorer as Timur. Around 776 (1375), the western part of the Kipchak, the region of the “Golden Horde” proper, was in the power of one tributary of the local khan, Mamai, while in the east of the Yaik (Ural River), after numerous quarrels between various descendants of Jochi, at that time Urus Khan prevailed. He fought a war with one rival, Tyluy, who resisted his plans to unite all the tribes of the eastern Kipchak; when Tuluy died in one battle, his son Tokhtamysh fled to Timur, who had just returned from Kashgar to Transoxania (777=1376). The Kipchak region between Khorezm and Jaxartes directly touched the Transoxan border, and Timur, without hesitation, took the opportunity to extend his influence in this direction, supporting the applicant. Tokhtamysh, who, of course, from the very beginning had to declare himself a vassal of his patron, received a small army, with which he went down the Yaxartes and took possession of the regions of Otrar and the surrounding areas; but since at the same time, until the middle of 778 (end of 1376), he repeatedly allowed himself to be beaten by the sons of Urus, Timur finally came out against them himself. Winter prevented decisive success, but in the meantime Urus died, and against his son, incapable and devoted only to sensual pleasures, Timur-Melik, prejudice soon reigned among his own subjects; therefore, Tokhtamysh, with the Transoxan army entrusted to him for the second time, was finally able to defeat the enemy troops (end 778 = 1377) and, in the second clash, take Timur Melik himself prisoner. He ordered him to be killed and now soon achieved his recognition in the entire eastern half of the Kipchak kingdom; from that time until 1381 (783), he completed the conquest of the kingdom of the Golden Horde in Russia, which had already been greatly shaken by the defeat of Mamai by Grand Duke Dmitry in 1380 (782), and with this completed the restoration of state unity of all former Kipchak possessions. By this they nominally came under the supreme rule of Timur; but we will soon see that Tokhtamysh was only waiting for an opportunity to refuse service to his former patron.
Central Asia under Timur
As soon as the success of Tokhtamysh in Kipchak became a decided matter, Timur could calmly leave him with the further management of his enterprise for a while, but when in 781 (1379) the last resistance of the inhabitants of Khorezm was broken and this made the entire north and east subject to him, Timur could think about setting out as a conqueror also to the west and south. The Persian, Arab and Turkish lands, despite all the devastation to which they had been subjected for centuries, were still for the nomadic crowd of meager Central Asia a promised land, full of extraordinary treasures and pleasures, and to once again thoroughly plunder it seemed to them far from a thankless task . It is all the more clear that from the moment Timur crossed the Oxus, almost all attempts by the emirs of Transoxania and the regions directly adjacent to it to question his rule ceased; his dominance over the army, which he obtained for himself, becomes unlimited. In the regions of Khorezm and Kashgar, which had a long history of independence, we still later encounter individual attempts to overthrow the yoke, when the great conqueror is hundreds of miles away from some ambitious leader or exiled prince; but in general, from the beginning of his first Persian campaign, Timur, without the slightest difficulty, enjoyed the unconditional obedience of those hundreds of thousands to which his troops soon grew. The severity of the responsibilities that he placed on them and on himself is unparalleled and far surpasses everything that happened under Genghis Khan: he commanded a whole multitude of large regiments, which he sent out radially under the leadership of different commanders; Timur usually personally led all his campaigns, unless it involved very minor raids, and more than once made transitions from Transox/rania directly to Asia Minor and Syria, or vice versa. For a correct assessment of his military activity, one should also not ignore the fact that in Western Asia he had to deal with less pitiful opponents than in most cases the generals of Genghis Khan: the Mongols and Tatars little by little ceased to be something new; the panic fear that preceded them at their first appearance could not be repeated; Now it was necessary to endure battles of a different kind, to overcome much more courageous resistance, and quite often the departure of the ferocious winner was followed by an uprising of the vanquished, which demanded a new war to pacify it. Thus Samarkand, which Timur made the capital of his kingdom, and Kesh, left as a summer residence, rarely received the honor of receiving a formidable race within their walls; the large palaces and parks, which, according to Tatar custom, he ordered to be built and established in both of these places, as later in many other large cities of the increasingly larger state, stood mostly empty: his fatherland was a military camp.
Timur at the feast. Miniature, 1628
Conquest of Afghanistan by Timur and the fight against the Serbedars (1380–1383)
Timur was not the kind of man to stop for lack of a pretext for war, when in 782 (1380) he prepared to attack the emir of Herat, his closest neighbor to the west. Just as Genghis Khan once demanded from the Shah of Khorezm Muhammad recognition of his rule in that flattering form that he asked him to consider himself his son, so Timur no less politely asked Kurtid Giyasaddin, who then reigned in Herat, to visit him in order to take part in the kuriltai, at which a select circle of emirs, i.e., vassals of the inviter, gathered in Samarkand. Ghiyasaddin understood the purpose of the invitation, and although he apparently did not show his embarrassment, but, on the contrary, very kindly promised to come later on an opportunity, yet he considered it necessary to put in order the fortifications of Herat, while he himself had to devote himself yet another task. His restless neighbors, the dangerous Serbedars from Sebzevar, again forced him to punish them for some violations of order. The shamelessness of these interesting thugs became worse over the years, so that they became a burden to the entire neighborhood, despite their almost incessant quarrels among themselves. Their most daring trick, already at the end of 753 (beginning 1353), amazed the whole world: their then ruler, Khoja Yahya Kerravii, cut off the head of the last Ilkhan Togai-Timur, who demanded an oath of allegiance from hima href=, in his own residence in Gurgan, where Khoja appeared, as if to fulfill this demand, with a retinue of 300 people; “Everyone,” notes the Persian historian, “who ever learns about this reckless courage of theirs will gnaw the finger of amazement with the tooth of surprise.” In any case, their further attempts to appropriate the region that Togai-Timur still owned - it embraced mainly Gurgan and Mazanderan - failed; one of the officers of the murdered prince, Emir Vali, proclaimed himself sovereign there and held out against the Serbedars; but, despite this, they remained a sore spot for the East Persian princes, and the rulers of Herat constantly had to have a lot of trouble with them. So it is now: while Giyasaddin took Nishapur from the Serbedars, which they had long appropriated for themselves, on the other hand, Timur’s son, Miran Shah, burst into the possessions of Herat with an army from Balkh (end 782 = beginning 1381). Soon his father followed with the main army: Serakhs, where Ghiyasaddin’s brother was in command, had to surrender, Bushendj was taken by storm, Herat itself was heavily besieged. The city was well defended; then Timur began to threaten Giyasaddin that if the city did not surrender voluntarily, he would raze it to the ground and order to kill everything living in it. The little prince, who alone could not resist such a superior force for long and did not dare count on help from the west, lost heart; Instead of leading an army to the rescue, he decided to surrender. Also, this time the daredevils of Sebzevar did not uphold the honor of their name: they immediately showed their readiness to greet the dangerous conqueror as humble servants; Only later, when the oppression of foreign rule became painful for them, did they show their old courage in several more indignations. In one respect, however, the great commander himself followed the example of the gangs of communists: he made friends wherever he could with the dervishes in order to benefit from the great influence of these wandering saints or holy vagabonds on the lower classes of the people, as he had already tried to do at the beginning of his career. This was also consistent with the fact that he adhered to Shiism, although the Turkish element dominated his troops: his rule that just as there is one God in heaven, so there should be only one ruler on earth, was more suitable for the tenets of the Dozennikov than for the teachings of the Sunnis, still who recognized the Egyptian Abbasid caliphs as the true head of Islam. “Of course, it didn’t take long for everything to continue to go as smoothly as at first. Emir Vali's fortress, Isfarain, had to be taken by storm, and only then did he decide to submit; but as soon as the Transoxans left his land, he again showed a desire to go on the offensive himself. The Serbedars also rebelled, and in Herat and the surrounding area several brave leaders refused to obey, despite the peace that had been concluded. Responsibility for the latter was assigned to Giyasaddin, and he was sent with his son to the fortress, where they were later killed; At the same time, the Transoxans, with fire and sword, during 783–785 (end of 1381–1383) eliminated all resistance in these areas. How this happened can be imagined if you know that during the second take of Sebzevar. Having already been partially devastated, 2000 prisoners served as material for the construction of towers, and they were laid in rows between layers of stone and lime and thus walled up alive. Timur's hordes raged almost equally horribly in Segestan, whose ruler Qutbaddin, although he surrendered, could not force his troops, who were more eager for battle, to lay down their arms. It took an even hotter battle until these 20,000 or 30,000 people were driven back to the main city of Zerenj; for this, the irritated winner, upon entering the city, ordered to kill all the inhabitants “down to the child in the cradle” (785 = 1383). Then the conquest went further into the mountains of Afghanistan: Kabul and Kandahar were taken, all the land up to Punjab was conquered, and thus in the southeast the border of Genghis Khan's rule was again reached.
March to Kashgar 1383
Meanwhile, it became necessary to invade the region of the former Khanate of Kashgar for a second time. Between the tribes that owned it, already from the time of Tugluk-Timur, the Jets came to the fore, who roamed in the east, north of the upper Jaxartes, to the other side of Lake Issyk-Kul. They appear under the leadership of either Kamaraddin or Khizr Khoja, the son of Ilyas, who, no matter how many times they were expelled from their lands, always returned after some time to restore the tribes of the Kashgar kingdom against Timur. So now, mutinous unrest between the jets has caused a campaign; in 785 (1383), the Transoxan army made its way across the entire country beyond Lake Issyk-Kul, but did not catch Kamaraddin himself anywhere. The news of this found Timur in Samarkand, where he delayed several months in 786 (1384), after the happy end of the Afghan campaign, decorating his residence with looted treasures and rarities and installing various skilled artisans, whom, according to Tatar custom, he forcibly brought from Herat and other cities to inculcate crafts in their homeland.
Timur's conquest of the southern shore of the Caspian Sea (1384)
Since calm had been established in the east for the time being, he could now himself again head to Persia, where the brave and tireless Emir Vali again set out at the head of the army, despite the defeats of the previous year. This able and shrewd man, from the very first appearance of Timur in Khurasan, strove in vain to unite the princes of southern and western Persia in a general alliance against the threatening conqueror: the one of them who had the greatest political sense, Muzaffarid Shah Shuja, considered, according to old traditions his principality, it was most prudent from the very beginning to abandon all resistance, and shortly before his death he sent precious gifts to Timur and asked for his protection for his sons and relatives, between whom he wanted to divide his provinces; the rest followed the ostrich policy, even more popular in the East than even in England, and did not think about coming to the aid of the ruler of Gurgan and Mazandaran. This latter, when Timur approached him in 786 (1384), fought like a desperate man; he contested every inch of land from the enemy, but it was impossible to resist such a strong enemy for a long time. Finally, he had to leave his capital Asterabad; while all the horrors of Tatar ferocity broke out over the unfortunate population, Vali rushed through Damegan to Rey, from there, as they say, to the Tabaristan mountains. Accounts of its end differ; it is only true that he soon died amid the confusion that Timur’s further advance to the west caused in the rest of Persia.
Jelairid state in the era of Timur
First of all, Timur moved to the country between Rey itself and Tabriz, the capital of the former Ilkhans. We remember that before the peace treaty between Lesser and Greater Hasans, Media and Azerbaijan went to the former, and the latter was content with Arab Iraq. But Little Hasan did not have long to use his finally consolidated rule; already in 744 (1343) he was killed by his own wife, who thought that her love affair with one of the emirs had come to the attention of her husband. Hulagid, in whose name Hasan ruled, made a feeble attempt to rule independently, but was eliminated by the brother of the murdered man, Ashraf, who hastened to arrive from Asia Minor. The winner located his residence in Tabriz; but if Little Hasan could not be considered a man with a very sensitive conscience, then Ashraf was simply the most disgusting tyrant. In the end, many of their own emirs were so thoroughly fed up with him that they summoned Janibek, Khan of the Golden Horde, to the country, who in 757 (1356) actually invaded Azerbaijan and killed Ashraf. With him came the end of the short reign of the Chobanids. The Kipchak princes, of course, had to immediately give up the newly acquired property: already in 758 (1357) Janibek was killed by his own son Berdibek, and the decline of the dynasty that naturally followed such violence made further enterprises against the southern Caucasus impossible for a long time. This made it possible for Jelairid Uweis, the son of Great Hasan, who also died in 757 (1356), to take possession, after several intermediate changes, of Azerbaijan and Media before Ray, so that now the Ilkhans united both Iraq and Azerbaijan under their scepter.
But the life they led in their Tabriz residence was far from calm. Uweis (757–776=1356–1375) was, without a doubt, a strong prince; he immediately pacified (767=1366) the accidental uprising of his governor in Baghdad, and also made his strength felt by the princes of Shirvan and the Mazandaran emir Vali, with whose possessions his own bordered under Ray. But with his death, the prosperity of the Jelairids had already ended. His next son, Hussein (776–783 = 1375–1381), was no longer able to curb the successive uprisings of his relatives and other emirs, which mixed in the most difficult way with the attacks of the Muzaffarid Shah Shuja on Baghdad and northern Media; in the end, his brother Ahmed attacked him in Tabriz, killed him and seized power, which he used with many changes and interruptions until 813 (1410). He was a willful and cruel, even a ferocious prince, but cunning and a stubborn man who never allowed misfortune to break him, and withstood all the storms that erupted around him from the time of Timur's invasion until the death of the terrible conqueror of the world, in order, in the end, to become a victim of his own ambition. Moreover, he was an educated man, he loved poetry and music; he himself was a good poet, as well as an excellent artist and calligrapher; in short, in many respects a remarkable person: the only pity is that he indulged in the use of opium, which at that time was becoming more and more widespread among the dervishes, as well as among the laity, as a result of which he often became completely insane - in this state he, apparently, committed the worst of his bloody deeds. This was the same Ahmed who, among various quarrels with his brothers, who also laid claim to the throne, missed the cry for help of Emir Vali, and who now had to feel the claws of the tiger himself, the minute the brave emir was defeated.
Timur's War in Azerbaijan (1386)
At the end of 786 and until the autumn of 787 (1385), Timur was, however, occupied with only one concern - to destroy Vali: although he pursued him across the border when he retired to Rey, that is, into the possessions of Ahmed, and although he easily took Even Sultaniya at Jelairid, whose position in this country was not strong, as soon as Vali disappeared in the meantime, the Tatars turned again in order, first of all, to secure for themselves Tabaristan, which lay on their flank. After the cities of this country submitted without a fight, Timur, satisfied so far with the success of this campaign, returned to Samarkand to prepare even larger forces for the next one. Tokhtamysh, his appointed khan of the Golden Horde, made sure that he did not need a pretext for a new invasion of Ahmed’s provinces. He began to feel his strength since he again subjugated the Russians under the Tatar yoke, treacherously conquering and terribly devastating Moscow (784 = 1382), and for some time he was protected from any danger from this side; the more keenly he felt the desire to evade the supreme rule of Timur and had already sent ambassadors to Tabriz to Ahmed to offer him an alliance against the common enemy. We cannot guess why Jelairid, who could hardly hide from himself the likelihood of an imminent repetition of the attack from the east, refused Tokhtamysh’s ambassadors, and in a rather insulting manner; he probably had that view, and, of course, it is true that once the Kipchaks established themselves in his lands, they would begin to bypass him in everything no less than Timur himself; but Tokhtamysh looked askance at this matter, and during the winter of 787 (1385–1386) he carried out a devastating raid on Azerbaijan, from which the capital itself suffered greatly. One can imagine the noble indignation that shook the heart of Timur when he received the news that the Muslim-inhabited country had been raided and plundered by the hordes of his tributary, unfortunately still for the most part unconverted. He immediately announced that he must come to the aid of his co-religionist, who was unable to defend his possessions on his own, and immediately in 788 (1386) he carried out this benevolent intention with the selflessness already familiar to us. Having entered Azerbaijan at the head of his army, he captured Tabriz without any obstacles: Ahmed, as his subsequent behavior shows, considered it most prudent, if possible, to evade whenever forces superior to him came towards him, and to preserve his own in case of future favorable circumstances. He by no means lacked courage, which he proved quite often in his life, although his behavior towards Timur, no doubt, resembles the well-known phrase that “even for the fatherland it is sweet to live.” Meanwhile, the conqueror soon saw that not all the emirs of the provinces he had just entered were thinking of making his role as patron easier for him, as the cautious Jelairid had done. Beyond Azerbaijan itself, since the time of the Ilkhans, the Persian-Tatar population has already disappeared; here we had to face a new and strong element, which was supposed to cause Timur no less trouble than before Hulagu - with real Turks of Guz and Turkmen origin, who, for all their kinship with their more eastern brothers, had no intention of allowing them to disturb their peace .
Asia Minor in the era of Timur, Ottomans
At that time, Asia Minor had long been completely Turkishized, with the exception of certain coastal strips that were still in the possession of the Byzantines. More than three hundred years have passed since the Seljuks first took possession of the eastern half of the peninsula, and from the beginning of the great popular movements until the beginning of the 7th (13th) century, the stream of Turkish settlers continued to flow into the country. At that time, entire tribes, disturbed from their places by the Mongols of Genghis Khan, fled through Khorasan and Persia to Armenia and Asia Minor; they were followed by the hordes of the last shahs of Khorezm, who, after their defeats, moved to foreign lands, both to Syria and further to the north, and also quite a few Turkmen were in the very hordes of the Mongol conquerors, the generals of Genghis Khan, as well as Hulagu and his successors. Until order was finally overthrown in the Seljuk state, Rum, of course, they tried to accommodate new elements, if possible without harm to the permanent population, which is why they were sent to the Byzantine border, where they could find new homes for themselves at the expense of the Greeks. The freshness of these popular forces, entering still untouched into the history of the West, explains to us how, in the midst of the decline of the Seljuk dynasty in Iconium, the spread of Turkish domination to the shores of the Aegean Sea is barely stopped here; how the emirs of individual tribes, ever multiplying and spreading, under the purely nominal supremacy of the last miserable sultans of Rum, can remain virtually independent, even in Mongol times, and how several tens of thousands of Tatar troops, at the service of the governor of Ilkhan on the right bank of the Euphrates, rarely They can do something against the Western principalities and are not at all able to win a decisive victory over them. On the contrary, with the collapse of the Mongol-Persian kingdom, the long-undermined influence of its former protectors in Asia Minor also immediately disappeared. Chobanid Ashraf, who received several districts of the country at the conclusion of peace in 741 (1341), already left them in 744 (1344); We learn the same thing in the same year about Arten, who then owned the rest. In his place, the ruler of Caesarea, Sivas and Tokat was, around the time of Timur, Kazi Burhanaddin, the head of one purely Turkish community, which acted here on equal rights along with the emirs of the West. Among these last - there were ten of them - the state of the Ottomans, striving for elevation, had long been in the foreground. My task here cannot be to reconsider the remarkable development which brought the descendants of Ertogrul and Osman from an insignificant initial state to the height of world power; for this I can refer to the description of Hertzberg in one of the previous parts of the “General History”. Here I must only recall that in the same year 788 (1386), when Timur, after the capture of Tabriz, was preparing to seize Armenia and Asia Minor, Osman Murad I defeated his most powerful rival from among the other emirs, Ali Beg from Karamania, and this made it possible for himself or his successor Bayezid I (from 791=1389) to expand the new kingdom by further moving towards Armenia, as soon as they would have given time for this to war with the Bulgarians, Serbs and other Christian states of the Balkan Peninsula. A clash between Timur and Bayezid, moving along the same line, one from the east, the other from the west, was inevitable.
States of Black and White Rams (lambs) in the era of Timur
So far, in any case, it was still slowed down by a number of other matters that in various ways delayed Timur’s successes. Not all the Turks, who gradually settled since the time of the Seljuks in Armenia, Mesopotamia and Asia Minor, obeyed any of the eleven emirs. The entire wide strip of land east of the region of Kazi Burhanaddin and the northern possessions of the Egyptian Mamluks, on the one hand, to Azerbaijan and Kurdistan, on the other, had long been inhabited by numerous Turkish tribes, mostly Turkmen, who gradually began to gain an advantage over the Armenian Christians and Kurdish Bedouins. An important step in this direction was marked by the arrival of two new Turkmen tribes, who came under Ilkhan Arghun (683–690=1284–1291) from Turkestan through the Oxus and settled along the upper Euphrates and Tigris, where the terrible devastation of the times of Genghis Khan and his early successors liberated enough places for new residents. They were called Kara-Koyunlu and Ak-Koyunlu, which means people of black or white lamb, because they had an image of this animal as a coat of arms on their banners. But we would fall into a dangerous mistake if, on the basis of the family coat of arms, we wanted to draw a conclusion about the respective peaceful inclinations of both tribes. On the contrary, they were lambs of the same kind as those wild English troops who, three hundred years later, by a remarkable coincidence, acquired the same name "Lambs" on the same occasion. In terms of strength, courage and rudeness, they were true Turks of their time, who did not miss an opportunity to cause as much trouble as possible to their neighbors. At first, as it is reported, in the north near Erzingan and Sivas lived the Black Lambs, to the south, between Amid and Mosul - the White Lambs; but at the time when they begin to interfere more strongly in political circumstances, around 765 (1364), Mosul is in the power of the leader of the Blacks, Beiram Khoja, later his son, Kara Muhammad, who although pays from 776 (1375) tribute to the Jelairids in Baghdad, but otherwise behaves quite independently; The Whites at that time lived on both banks of the Euphrates, from Amid to Sivas, and were in a somewhat dependent position on the ruler of this latter, Kazi Burhanaddin, but before the coming of Timur they stood somewhat in the background compared to the Blacks. In any case, both tribes at that time owned most of Mesopotamia - the Orthokid princes of Maridin played a very insignificant role compared to them - and western Armenia, especially the districts of Van, Bayazid (or Aydin, as it was then called) and Erzurum. This did not exclude the possibility that other Muslim or Armenian-Christian princes had small possessions in the same areas: the Turkmen hordes were precisely scattered among the old sedentary inhabitants, forced to submit to the taxes they imposed and too often cruel treatment, now caught in the most disastrous situation between these harsh masters and the advancing barbarians of Timur. If they began to defend themselves, the Tatars would cut them off; if they surrendered to them, then the Turkmens would begin to look at them as enemies: even this population, accustomed to all sorts of disasters and hardships, was rarely in such a terrible situation.
Timur's campaign in Transcaucasia (1386–1387)
Throughout the summer and autumn of 788 (1386) and the spring of 789 (1387), Timur’s troops devastated the valleys of the large provinces of Armenia and Georgia with fire and sword in all directions, fighting either against the warlike Caucasians, or against Kara Muhammad and his son Kara Yusuf, and, of course, they also had to suffer more than one defeat in difficult mountainous terrain. Then, of course, poor Christians had to pay for this, the persecution of which such a pious Muslim as Timur considered himself a special merit. “The Tatars,” says the native chronicler, “tormented the mass of believers with all sorts of torments, hunger, sword, imprisonment, unbearable torture and the most inhumane treatment. Thus, they turned one, once very flourishing, province of Armenia into a desert, where only silence reigned. Many people suffered martyrdom and proved themselves worthy to receive this crown. Only the rewarder Christ, our God, who will crown them on the day of retribution prepared for the host of the righteous, can know them. Timur took away enormous booty, took numerous prisoners, so that no one was able to tell or describe all the misfortune and sorrow of our people. Then, having made his way with a significant army to Tiflis, he captured this latter and took many prisoners: it is calculated that the number of those killed exceeded the number of those who came out of there alive.” For one moment it could seem that the Tatar torturer himself was trying to rise to the consciousness of the horror with which he disgraced the human name. Our chronicler goes on to say: “Timur besieged the Van fortress; Its defenders spent forty days full of fear and killed a large number of warriors of the godless descendant of Jaghatai, but finally, suffering from a lack of bread and water, they could not withstand the siege and betrayed the fortress into the hands of the enemies. Then came the order of the wild tyrant to take women and children into slavery, and indiscriminately throw men, faithful and infidel, from the battlements into the ditches. The soldiers immediately carried out this fierce order; they began to mercilessly throw all the inhabitants into the abysses surrounding the city. The piles of bodies rose so high that the last of those thrown down were not killed instantly. We saw this with our own eyes and heard with our own ears from the lips of the holy and venerable archbishop, Mr. Zachaeus, as well as Father and Vartabed (i.e., deacon) Paul, who both escaped from the fortress where they were imprisoned, because one Jagatai commander, Leaving the department entrusted to him, he released his prisoners to freedom, and this was an opportunity to save several. Meanwhile, the entire area around the fortress was flooded with the innocent blood of Christians, as well as foreigners. Then it happened that one reader ascended the minaret in the city of Pegri and in a loud voice began the prayer of the last day: “He has come, the day of the Last Judgment!” The godless tyrant, whose soul knew no pity, immediately asked: “What is this cry?” Those around him answered: “The day of the Last Judgment has come; Jesus had to proclaim it; but thanks to you it has already come today. Because the voice of the one who calls is terrible, like the voice of a trumpet (1, 213)!” “Let these lips shatter!” Timur exclaimed: “if they had spoken earlier, not a single person would have been killed!” And he immediately gave the order not to overthrow anyone else into the abyss, and to release all the remaining people to freedom.” But too soon it was to turn out that Timur's unusual order for mercy was not caused by an impulse of mercy, but only by superstition, which makes all the inhabitants of the East afraid of every word with a bad omen. Timur, whose troops emerged from the difficult mountain war with some losses, had barely time to turn back to the Caspian Sea, postponing the completion of his devastating activities until the future, when he already found a reason to surpass the Armenian scenes of horror on another basis. The scene of these new bloody deeds was to be the South Persian possessions of the Muzaffarids.
Timur's war with the Muzaffarids (1387), massacre in Isfahan
The sons and other relatives of Shah Shuja, who, after the death of this prince, which followed in 786 (1384), divided his significant possessions among themselves - they embraced Kerman, Fars and part of Khuzistan - as was the custom of eastern sovereigns, they lived far from in peace between themselves; sufficient reason - if it was impossible to organize friendly and strong resistance, and even against a conqueror superior to them in strength - in order to continue the policy of peace begun by the selfish but smart Shah Shuja. Despite this, Zein al-Abidin, son of Shuja and ruler of Fars, was so careless that in the summer of 789 (1387), contrary to the invitation he received from Timur, he refused to appear in the latter’s camp. More, of course, was not required to provoke an attack by the Tatar army; in the autumn of the mentioned year, Timur appeared before Isfahan. The city, under the administration of one uncle, Zayn al-Abidin, was surrendered without bloodshed: but one accident is said to have led to a disaster which remains unparalleled even in this terrible time. Although the inhabitants were deigned to be spared for the payment of a significant indemnity, the troops still behaved with their usual unbridledness, so that general despair took possession of the people; when at night in one of the outskirts of the city there was a noise for some reason, everyone came running and, in a sudden outbreak of indignation, attacked the weak garrison placed here by Timur and killed it. It goes without saying that such dangerous indignation should have been met with exemplary punishment. The superior army did not have much difficulty immediately re-conquering the city; but so that none of his people, prompted by untimely mercy, would allow any of the captured townspeople to escape, as happened in Armenia according to the above story, the detachments were ordered to present a certain number of heads for each department, for a total of 70,000. Here the Tatars themselves became fed up with murders. They say that many tried to carry out the order by buying heads that had already been cut off by less sensitive comrades. At first the head cost one gold piece; when this increased the supply, the price fell by half. In any case, Timur received his 70,000; as was his custom, he ordered towers to be built from them in various parts of the city.
I do not want to demand either from the reader or from myself that we delve into such disgusting details more than is necessary to obtain a true impression of the horror of this terrible catastrophe; From now on, it will be enough to simply follow the campaigns and conquests of the Samarkand race, and give justice to one or another of his enemies. Among them, in terms of courage and heroism, one of the Muzaffarids, Shah Mancyp, stands ahead of all. While Timur, following the punishment of Isfahan in the same year (789=1387), took Shiraz and other places in the region of Fars, and the rest of the house of Muzaffar tremblingly ran from all over to pay their respects and prove their submission to the terrible commander, Shah Mansur , as a true cousin of Shah Shuja, kept aloof in his domains near Tuster, in Khuzistan, deciding to sell his dominion and life dearly. He was also little sensitive to the more subtle impulses of conscience, like any prince in this time of violence: when his uncle (in the second generation), Zein al-Abidin, fled to him after the loss of Isfahan, he managed to lure his troops to himself, planted he himself was taken into custody, and when he escaped after some time, and was then caught again, without hesitation, he ordered him to be blinded. But anyone who wanted to fight Timur could not be picky about his means; It was necessary, first of all, to gather such a force with which it would be possible to resist such an opponent on the battlefield; and under any circumstances, what the energetic Mansur achieved is amazing if “the war that brought Persian Iraq and Fars under the rule of Timur was not without danger for the winner and not without glory for the brave prince who achieved that which caused the scales of victory to shake.”
Tokhtamysh's raids on Central Asia (1387–1389)
At first, Mansur, however, had no shortage of favorable circumstances, without which there would hardly have been an opportunity to attempt something like this. While Timur was still busy accepting the expression of allegiance from the rest of the Muzaffarids. unexpected news came to him that the center of his kingdom, Transoxania itself, was put in serious danger by sudden attacks from two different sides. Tokhtamysh, who had been defeated in one invasion of Azerbaijan back in the winter of 787–788 (1385–1386), and the still rebellious Jets took advantage of Timur’s long absence from the east to attack in 789 (1387). on the province of Jaxarte. These latter, of course, were not defenseless; one of Timur's sons, Omar Sheikh, remained in Samarkand with a sufficient army, and although he was defeated by Tokhtamysh at Otar, and when meeting with the Jets at Andijan, he only with great effort retained the battlefield, the opponents were still not able to their forays penetrate close to the capital. Meanwhile the danger that the attacks would be renewed the following summer with a larger force was too near for the prince of war himself to feel compelled to thoroughly restore order here before continuing the conquest of Persia. So, in the winter of 789–90 (1387–1388), Timur turned back to Transoxania, during the summer of 790 (1388), he devastated the province of Khorezm, the leaders of which entered into a treasonous alliance with foreigners, and prepared further vengeful campaigns for the next year, when in the middle of winter (late 790=1388) Tokhtamysh again invaded through the upper Yaxartes at Khokand. Timur hastened to meet him, defeated him, and the following spring (791=1389) again captured the northern regions around Otrar and drove the Kipchaks back to their steppes. Meanwhile, he became convinced that if he wanted to have any lasting peace in the northeast, then both his former tributary and the rebellious Jets should be punished more sensitively. Therefore, while Miran Shah, in response to a new uprising of the Serbedars in Khorasan, surrounded and completely destroyed these daredevils, Timur himself, with Omar Sheikh and other of his most capable commanders, went to the east.
Timur's campaign in Kashgar in 1390
The region of the Jets and the remaining provinces of the Kashgar Khanate between the Tibetan border and Altai, Jaxartes and Irtysh were completely devastated by troops sent radially in all directions, all tribes encountered along the road were scattered and exterminated or driven into Mongolia and Siberia. Kamaradin really succeeded now, as in the next year (792=1390), when Timur’s commanders had to repeat the enterprise for greater strength, to escape with his closest retinue through the Irtysh: but soon after that, he apparently died, and Xizp Khoja , whom we later meet as the Khan of Kashgar and the provinces belonging to it, after the experiments made, considered it prudent to finally submit to the winner. The matter ended - we do not know when - with the conclusion of peace, which ensured tolerable relations between both tribes of the waters for a long time after the death of Timur with the actual supreme power of the Samarkand sovereign.
Timur's first campaign against Tokhtamysh (1391)
All that remained was to finish off Tokhtamysh. Rumors about Timur's latest successes and about new weapons immediately undertaken soon penetrated into the interior of the vast Kipchak kingdom, and when at the beginning of 793 (1391) the Transoxan troops set out on a campaign, already in Kara Samana, still on this side of the border - north of Tashkent , which was a rallying point for the army, ambassadors from the Khan of the Golden Horde arrived to begin negotiations. But the time for this has already passed; Countless Timur's War in Azerbaijan (1386) Timur's regiments rushed uncontrollably to the steppe. Tokhtamysh did not remain in place: he wanted, in the way of the northern peoples, to use space as a weapon. The fugitives and pursuers rushed after each other, first to the northeast, far into the depths of the Kyrgyz land, then again to the west through the Urals (Yaik), through the current Orenburg province to the Volga itself, in total for about three hundred German miles of travel; Finally, Tokhtamysh stopped at Kandurcha. Here he was in the center of his kingdom; he could not cross the Volga without leaving his capital Sarai unprotected. The long journey through the deserts, the meager supplies of which were mostly exhausted by the previous Kipchaks, did not come without significant losses for the Transoxans, despite the abundance of provisions they took with them; Tokhtamysh's army far outnumbered them, so the decisive battle began for him under favorable omens. It happened on 15 Rajab 793=19 June 1391; Despite all the courage with which Timur’s regiments fought, Tokhtamysh still managed to break through the enemy’s left flank, commanded by Omar Sheikh, with a strong onslaught and take a position in the rear of the center. But it was not at all the habit of the cunning conqueror to have only one string to his bow. Among the Mongols and the peoples allied with them, even more than in other armies, the high-flying banner of the leader was important, as a sign that guided all the movements of the remaining regiments; his fall usually meant the death of the leader. Timur, in whose camp there was no shortage of dissatisfied Kipchaks, managed to bribe the standard bearer of his enemy; this latter, at a decisive moment, lowered the banner, and Tokhtamysh, cut off in the rear of the enemy from his main forces, on the firmness of which he could no longer count, personally immediately set an example for flight. His hordes scattered, he himself escaped across the Volga, but his entire camp, his treasures, his harem, the wives and children of his soldiers fell into the hands of the victors, who, pursuing the fugitives, overturned entire detachments into the river. Following this, they scattered throughout the eastern and middle Kipchak, killing and robbing everywhere, also devastating and ruining Sarai and all other cities of the south down to Azov. The number of prisoners was so great that it was possible for the ruler alone to select 5,000 young men and beautiful girls, and although the officers and soldiers also received as much as they wanted, countless others had to be released, since it was impossible to drag them all with him. Eleven months after the army set out from Tashkent, around the end of 793 (1391), the victorious ruler “returned joy and happiness to his capital Samarkand, honoring it again with his presence.”
Timur's campaign against the Golden Horde in 1391. (Map creator - Stuntelaar)
End of the fight against the Muzaffarids (1392–1393)
In general, the campaign against Tokhtamysh was perhaps Timur’s most brilliant military action. In any case, the continuation of the campaign in Western Asia, so suddenly interrupted four years earlier, did not proceed so quickly, although the troops of the small Western Asian princes could not stand any comparison with the troops of the Kipchaks, at least in number. But in many areas the nature of the mountainous terrain came to their aid, over which the Tatar riders could not move well, and in terms of courage and perseverance, neither the Turkmens nor Muzaffarid Mansur were inferior to their terrible enemy. Mansur made good use of the reprieve involuntarily given to him by Timur in order to quickly take away the possessions of most of his relatives from most of his relatives, and now he ruled from Shiraz over Khuzistan, Fars and southern Media with Isfahan, when the Tatars, who during 794 (1392) had to still pacifying the uprisings in Tabaristan, approached his state in early 795 (1392–1393). To prevent Shah Mansur from finding refuge in the hard-to-reach mountains of upper Khuzistan, as in the first war with Muzaffarid, the side towards Kurdistan and southern Iraq was occupied in advance by flying detachments, while Timur himself set out from Sultaniya directly through the mountains to Tuster, the main city of Khuzistan. Next, the army marched first through a comfortable hilly country, which slopes gently towards the Persian Gulf, to the entrance to the transverse valleys leading to the mountains surrounding Shiraz; After storming one mountain fortress, which was considered impregnable, the road to the capital of Mansur was clear. As they say, Mansur deliberately allowed Timur to go so far as to wage a tireless guerrilla war with him between the mountains of the Persian mountainous country; finally, besieged by the requests of the inhabitants of Shiraz, he considered it his duty to make at least an attempt to cover the city. So it came one afternoon to a battle in the valley before Shiraz. But Timur again sent a bribe ahead of his riders: the chief of the emirs of Mansur left his master in the middle of the battle with most of the army, the battle could no longer be stopped. everything seemed lost. Mansur nevertheless managed to hold out until the night, and while the Tatars, tired of the battle, were poorly guarding, he, with a small detachment of his last faithful - they say there were only 500 of them left - attacked the enemy camp in the morning twilight. In the first turmoil, he managed, cutting right and left around himself, to cause great bloodshed and make his way all the way to Timur. But the strong helmet of the Tatar, invulnerable to the misfortunes of the world, withstood the blow of the sword of the brave Muzaffarid; Meanwhile, new crowds of enemies rushed in, and the undaunted hero fell in hand-to-hand combat, and with him the last hope of the dynasty. It did not help the rest of its members that they humbly submitted to the conqueror; so that none of them would again think of playing Mansur, they were imprisoned and later killed.
Mamluk Egypt during the era of Timur
From Shiraz, Timur then turned to Baghdad, where Ahmed Ibn Uwais had lived since the loss of Tabriz, and now anxiously awaited the outcome of the war in Shiraz. His attempt to come to a peace treaty with an enemy, with whom he did not feel able to equal, met with little encouragement from the latter; Then Jelairid decided to flee with his treasures to Egypt, which now again, as in the days of Hulagu, seemed destined to become the life-anchor of a fragile boat, to which Muslim Western Asia was likened in the midst of the storm of the Tatar invasion. By this time, the descendants of Kilawun had long ceased to be in charge in Cairo. During the continuous unrest and palace revolutions under the last Bakhrits, Emir Barkuk, one of the Circassian Mamluks, who now played a major role on the Nile, rose to power; his first attempt to deprive the young Sultan Hajiya of power after seven years of wars between the nobles of the country nevertheless led to the second accession of the eliminated one, but six months later Barquq finally seized power and reigned from 792 (1390) in Egypt, and from 794 (1392) also in Syria, whose most energetic emir, Timurbeg Mintash, was defeated and killed only with the help of treason and after stubborn resistance. Barquq was not at all a common man: brave and treacherous, like all Mamluks, he, however, as a politician, was far from being able to compete with his great predecessor Baybars. Although he understood that the successes of Timur himself in the west required the union of all the forces of Egypt and Syria with the warlike Turkmens of the Black and White Lamb tribes, as well as with the then all-powerful Ottomans in Asia Minor and, finally, with Tokhtamysh, who little by little gathered his strength after his defeat, he nevertheless believed that he had done enough, pitting these useful allies against the Tatars in turn and not actively intervening in the war himself. While he lived, his intention seemed to succeed; but when he died in 801 (1399), his heir and son Faraj (801-815=1399-1412) had to atone for his father's short-sighted selfishness with the loss of Syria, and only thanks to the death of Timur did he ultimately remain untouched for at least least in Egypt.
Capture of Baghdad by Timur (1393)
Barquq, however, had enough insight to provide a friendly welcome to Ahmed Ibn Uwais, who fled from the Tatars, when he arrived in Cairo through Aleppo and Damascus in 795 (1393), and kept him as a guest at his court until a favorable opportunity presented itself for reconquering his kingdom. He didn't have to wait long for this. True, Baghdad surrendered without resistance to the approaching Timur, and during the years 795, 796 (1393, 1394) all of Iraq and Mesopotamia were conquered, and the newly manifested disobedience of the Black Lambs was punished by secondary terrible devastation in Armenia and Georgia under Qara Yusuf, the successor of the deceased in 791 (1389) Qara Muhammad.
Timur's second campaign against Tokhtamysh (1395)
But before Timur, who after the capture of Baghdad had already exchanged rude letters with Barquq, had time to move against Syria, he was again called to the north by the attack of Tokhtamysh, who had again gathered all his forces, on Shirvan, the ruler of which had previously come under the protection of the world conqueror. Near present-day Yekaterinograd, south of the Terek River, Tokhtamysh suffered a defeat in 797 (1395), even worse than at Kandurch. he could never recover from it. Timur’s gangs raged as usual, this time in the Golden Horde’s own region between the Volga, Don and Dnieper, and from there far into the Russian state [Timur reached Yelets]; then he appointed Koirijak Oglan, the son of Urus Khan, as khan there, who relied on a strong party in the horde. The intended goal, to completely eliminate the ungrateful Tokhtamysh in this way, was achieved: first fleeing as a fugitive wanderer from the Lithuanian prince Vitovt, then wandering in the depths of inner Asia, he is said to have been killed seven years later.
Wars of Timur with Tokhtamysh in 1392–1396. (Map creator – Stuntelaar)
New fight against the Black Rams, reconquest of Baghdad by Ahmed Jelairid
In the winter of 798 (1395–1396), Timur, in order to prove his zeal for Islam, began devastation in Christian Georgia and made another campaign at the mouth of the Volga; then in the summer of the same year (1396) he returned back to Samarkand to recruit new troops there for his further enterprises; in the west, he left Miranshah with part of the army to guard the conquests made. He managed to accomplish this, although far from brilliantly. Timur had barely time to leave when the Black Lambs, led by Kara Yusuf, began to make themselves known in a very unpleasant way in Mesopotamia; Arab Bedouins also invaded from the Syrian desert, and with the help of both of them, Ahmed Ibn Uwais, already waiting in Syria, managed to retake Baghdad, where he reigned for several years as a vassal of the Egyptian Sultan. Miranshah had to fight with Kara Yusuf at Mosul and was not able to come to a decisive result, so even the Maridin Ortokids, who had previously, as was their custom, submitted to Timur without much difficulty, considered it prudent to enter into friendship with the Turkmens and Egyptians. So about four years passed, during which Miranshah showed very little of his former abilities (as the panegyrists of his family assure, due to a fall on his head); However, the uprising of the conquered did not take over Persia, and Timur, before returning to Iraq, could, without much concern, turn his attention to another country, which had not yet been the subject of his beneficial efforts.
India in the era of Timur
In order to correctly understand the modus operandi of the world conqueror Timur, we must not forget that he, and his Tatars, were primarily concerned with the capture of booty. Persia and the lands of the Caucasus were pretty much plundered during repeated wars, the upcoming struggle against the Mamluks and Ottomans promised to be more difficult than profitable; It is therefore not surprising that he, without hesitation, followed the bait, which suddenly carried him away in a completely different direction. India, which we have long lost sight of, and whose fate during the last two hundred years we can only survey later in general connection, has also not completely escaped further Mongol invasions since the retreat of Genghis Khan. The passes of Kabul and Ghazna, these gates for sorties from Afghanistan, served to allow the passage of the Jaghatai hordes into the Punjab eleven times during this interval of time, and the three or four Turkish dynasties, who meanwhile reigned one after another in Delhi, were often at a loss how to escape this disaster. But these attacks never had lasting success; due to the fragmentation that so quickly befell the kingdom of Jagatai, only relatively insignificant forces of the provinces of Balkh and Ghazna always acted here, which could not succeed in completely conquering a large country, although they could enjoy significant freedom of action between the Khulagids and the khans of the east; but the Indian rulers, until the middle of the fourteenth century, had at their disposal an impressive military force. At the time mentioned it was different; the Delhi sultans were increasingly deprived of their influence over the distant provinces; new independent states were formed from the former governorships of Bengal and the Deccan; and when, after the death of Firuz Shah (790=1388), his children and grandchildren, or rather the nobles who raised first one or the other, wasted their strength in quarrels and frequent changes of throne, the indigenous provinces of the upper Ganges and Punjab also began to come to extreme disorder.
Timur's campaign in India, destruction of Delhi (1398)
The news of this that reached Timur sounded very tempting; and so he decided, before going west, to undertake a predatory raid on a large scale across the Indus. The decision was carried out in 800 (1398). That the question here was not really about acquiring the country for a long time is clear from the very method of its implementation. Most of the campaign coincided with the hot season, which naturally forced the Tatar army to stay as far north as possible. Multan, which had already the previous year been besieged by Pir Muhammad, the grandson of Timur, and Delhi itself were the southernmost points to which they reached; but the districts between both these cities and the Himalayas were even more exposed to all the horrors of the war. Timur himself, or the one who on his behalf compiled the story about this campaign, tells with great composure that little by little it became painful to drag after the army numerous prisoners taken in battles with the warlike population of the Punjab; therefore, when approaching the capital, they were all killed together, numbering 100,000 people, in one day. The fate of Delhi itself was no less terrible. Already under the last Turkish sultans, this capital, which once rivaled old Baghdad in splendor and wealth, suffered greatly as a result of the wrong orders of its rulers; despite this, it was still the first city in India in terms of population and treasures. After its Sultan Mahmud and his mayor Mello Iqbal Khan lost the battle at the gates of Delhi and barely escaped to Gujerat, the inhabitants immediately surrendered; but a few fights between Timur's invading regiments and the few remaining Turco-Indian soldiers or Hindus served as a sufficient pretext for allowing robbery, murder and fire to rage everywhere with the usual barbarity. It is characteristic how Timur’s narrative puts it: “By the will of God,” says Timur, “not as a result of my desire or order, all three quarters of Delhi, called Siri, Jehan Penah and Old Delhi, were plundered. The khutbah of my dominion, which provides security and protection, was read in the city. Therefore, it was my ardent desire that no misfortune befall the local population. But God determined that the city was to be devastated. Therefore, he instilled in the infidel inhabitants a spirit of perseverance, so that they brought upon themselves the fate that was inevitable.” So that this disgusting hypocrisy does not seem too monstrous, we must remember that even in our days they very often hold God responsible for the vile deeds that man commits. In any case, the day December 18, 1398 (8 Rabi 801) marks the end of Delhi as the brilliant and far-famous capital of Muslim India; under subsequent sultans, even before the last Afghan kings for a long time reduced it to the level of a provincial city, it is only a shadow of itself. After Timur achieved his goal, that is, he provided himself and his people with treasures and prisoners, he immediately set off on the return journey. The fact that after the departure of Timur, one traitor emir from Multan, named Khizr Khan, who helped foreign robbers against his fellow tribesmen, little by little expanded his possessions and finally took control of Delhi, gave reason to mistakenly think that Timur's dynasty for some time ruled India through Khizr and several subsequent governors. This is completely false: the Tatars appeared like clouds of locusts and just as they left the country after they had devastated it completely, and here bringing only death and destruction, without the slightest attempt to create anything new.
Timur's campaign in India 1398–1399. (Map creator – Stuntelaar)
Timur and Bayezid I of Ottoman
As soon as he returned to Samarkand, the conqueror eagerly began to take a closer look at the affairs of the West again. The circumstances there looked somewhat threatening. True, Sultan Barquq had just died in Egypt (801=1399), Ahmed Ibn Uwais only barely held on in Baghdad, where he was hated for his cruelty, with the help of the Black Lambs of Kara Yusuf, and with this latter one could hope to cope, as before already often. Around the same time, the Turcomans of the White Lamb, under the leadership of Kara Yelek (or Osman, if we call him by his Mohammedan name), deprived Burhanaddin of Sivas, whom they were persecuting, of power and life; Previously this might have seemed favorable to Timur: but now another enemy appeared on the same scene of action, who seemed more equal to the formidable prince of war than all the previous ones. In 792–795 (1390–1393), Sultan Bayazid annexed most of the small Turkish emirates to the Ottoman state, which rose to the status of a power on European soil after the Battle of Amselfeld (791=1389); and when Bayezid, at the request of the inhabitants of Sivas, who could not be too pleased with the treatment of the rude Turcomans, about 801 (1399) also took possession of the country as far as the Euphrates between Erzingan and Malatia, he became the immediate border neighbor of the provinces of Armenia and Mesopotamia, to which he laid claims Timur. This was a direct challenge to Timur, who had previously taken Erzingan, which already belonged to Armenia proper, under his protection. Added to this was the fact that when Timur approached, who in 802 (1400) entered Azerbaijan with large crowds and, after one of his usual predatory raids on Georgia, was about to go to Baghdad, Ahmed Ibn Uweis and his ally Kara Yusuf fled from there to Bayezid and found a friendly reception from him, while on the contrary, many of the Asia Minor emirs who had been debunked by the latter appeared in Timur’s camp and buzzed his ears with loud complaints about the violence carried out against them. The tone of the diplomatic negotiations that followed on these questions between both almost equally powerful and, in any case, equally arrogant sovereigns, was more than clear; Despite this, in Timur’s behavior one could notice a slowness unusual for him in other cases. He did not hide from himself that here he faced the most serious struggle of his life. Bayezid had at his disposal the forces of all of Asia Minor and most of the Balkan Peninsula, the Serbs of which formed one of the most excellent parts of the Ottoman army; Bayezid himself was hardly inferior to Timur in courage and energy, and this latter was on the extreme western border of his huge kingdom, among enslaved and oppressed peoples who could easily turn the very first defeat inflicted on him by the Ottomans into final destruction. But Bayezid lacked one quality, especially precious for a commander, and which Timur possessed to the highest degree: forethought, which allows for everything in the world rather than contempt for the enemy. Confident in his always victorious, as he believed, army, he did not consider it necessary to make special preparations in Asia Minor to meet a powerful enemy, and remained calmly in Europe in order, if possible, to bring to an end the siege of Constantinople, with which he was busy with for some time. There he received the news that Timur at the beginning of 803 (1400) crossed the Euphrates and took Sivas by storm. Even one of Bayezid's sons was allegedly captured at the same time and killed soon after; but even without this, he had enough reasons to now gather all his forces against a dangerous opponent.
Timur's campaign in Syria, burning of Damascus (1400)
At that time, Bayezid's regiments were recruited in Europe and Asia. Timur decided, before moving further into Asia Minor, to first secure his left flank, which could easily be threatened by the Mamluks from Syria; Also, Baghdad was still in the hands of one governor left by Ahmed Ibn Uwais, and the petty Mesopotamian princes, as we have already seen, could not be relied upon. In order to keep the latter at bay, he took advantage of the Turkmens of the White Lamb under the leadership of Kara Yelek, who, of course, was extremely opposed to Bayezid and willingly undertook to guard the fortress on the Euphrates, Malatia, which was easily conquered by the Tatars; Timur himself set himself the task in the fall of 803 (1400) to start a war with Syria. She turned out to be easier for him than he could have imagined. Barquq's son, Faraj, was only fifteen years old, and his emirs had just quarreled to such an extent that the whole state threatened to be shaken by it, and Syria was almost freed from Egyptian rule. Although at this moment internal harmony was somehow restored, there were still various unrest and mutual hostility between the leaders of the troops; there was no point in thinking about a common resistance to the Tatar attack, guided by one strong will. Only the Syrian emirs decided to go out to meet the enemy at Aleppo, however, they did not jointly accept the firm intention to risk the latter; Thus, Timur won; Aleppo was terribly devastated, the rest of the cities of northern Syria were occupied without any significant difficulties, and already in the second half of 1400 (end of 803) the conqueror stood in front of Damascus, where the sluggish Egyptians finally found their way, accompanied by his too young Sultan. They might as well have stayed at home: while skirmishes were taking place here and there, discord between the emirs again gained the upper hand; many started a plan - understandable under the circumstances - to replace the royal youth with a person capable of action, and when Faraj’s associates and himself found out about this, it was all over. They managed to return safely to Cairo, leaving the Syrians to deal with the enemy as best they could. It turned out that things were bad. Although there was nothing to think about active defense, and the city of Damascus soon voluntarily surrendered, and only the castle continued to resist for some time, it is unlikely that even Timur himself raged anywhere worse than here and then again in northern Syria. The purpose of this is clear: Timur wanted to give such a convincing example to the Mamluks and their subjects so that they would not dare to somehow interfere with his further advance into Asia Minor.
In Damascus itself there was no shortage of religious excuses to justify the most terrible treatment of the inhabitants. Timur, who here too played the role of a Shiite, outraged by the imperfections of the faithful, took particular pleasure in frightening the unfortunate intercessors of the Sunni clergy with insidious questions about the relationship between Aliy and the legitimate caliphs who preceded him; then, in hypocritical indignation at the viciousness of the Damascenes - who were, in any case, no worse than the rest of the Turks or even the Persians of that time - and at the godlessness of the Umayyads, who almost always lived right there, Timur ordered his Tatars to deal here in the same way as between Christians in Georgia and Armenia. In the end, the city was set on fire “by mistake” and was mostly burned out; in any case, it is difficult to believe that there was no intent in the destruction of the Umayyad mosque. The ancient venerable church of St. John, which the Arabs had just adapted for their worship, and later the Turks also spared, was still one of the first temples of Islam, despite the damage caused earlier by one fire; now she was deliberately ruined and again consigned to the flames, from which this time she suffered much worse - later restoration could only partially restore her to her former beauty. Despite the terms of surrender, Timur's soldiers exterminated the inhabitants of the city in droves, the survivors were robbed in the most shameless manner, and in the same way the entire country was devastated to the border of Asia Minor. With such decisive measures, Timur, of course, completely achieved his goal: the Syrian and Egyptian emirs, who already found it suitable to take advantage of the weakness of the government, only increased due to the shameful flight of Sultan Faraj, for new mutual quarrels, of course, were careful not to stand in the way of the conqueror of the world in future, and the helpless ghostly sovereign himself, who soon after (808 = 1405) had to cede power for a year to one of his brothers, remained completely submissive until Timur’s death; it can be assumed - this, of course, has not been fully proven - that he even unquestioningly obeyed the demand addressed to him in 805 (1402) to mint coins with the name of Timur, so as not to cause an invasion of Egypt itself.
Secondary capture of Baghdad by Timur (1401)
After the Tatars restored calm in Syria in their own way, their crowds stretched back across the Euphrates to also conquer Mesopotamia and Baghdad again. This did not cost them much difficulty, since the White Lambs represented a reliable support under Malatia, and the Black Lambs were significantly weakened by the long absence of their leader Kara Yusuf in Asia Minor. Nevertheless, it seemed necessary to once again bring their crowds located in Armenia to order by sending a separate detachment there, while Ortokid was punished for his treason by the destruction of Maridin. Although he himself held out in his fortified castle, it was not found necessary to spend much time in taking it: Orthokid was not dangerous enough for this. Baghdad was a different matter; although its head, Jelairid Ahmed, also did not want to give up the security of staying under the protection of Bayezid, the governor Faraj, who ruled there in his place, had only one name in common with the Egyptian Sultan; he was a brave man, and at the head of the Arab and Turcoman Bedouins over whom he commanded, he was not afraid of the devil himself in human form. The detachment sent by Timur against the ancient city of the caliphs was not allowed in. Timur had to go there in person with the main forces, and the resistance offered to him also turned out to be so strong that he besieged the city in vain for forty days, until the old fox managed to take the defenders by surprise in a moment of oversight. As they say, Timur invaded the city on the holiest day of the Muslim church year, on the great holiday of sacrifice (Dhul-Hijjah 803 = July 22, 1401) and then only too accurately fulfilled the terrible vow that he allegedly made to slaughter people instead of the usual sacrificial ones sheep On this day, each warrior of Timur had to present not one head, as at Isfahan, but two, in order to build the favorite pyramids of skulls with the luxury corresponding to the holiday, and since it turned out to be difficult to quickly collect the entire number of heads, which extended to 90,000, they killed not only some of the prisoners brought with them from Syria, but also many women. The brave Faraj died with many of his men trying to make their way in boats down the Tigris.
Howl/h2 title=on Timur with the Ottomans (1402)
But we refused to give more detailed information about the horrors of this war; Therefore, let us turn rather to the last great success, which put the most brilliant crown on the deeds of the terrible warrior Timur already at the end of his too long life. Now he no longer left a single enemy worthy of attention either in the rear or on both flanks; although after Timur’s retreat to his winter quarters in Karabakh (Azerbaijan), Ahmed Ibn Uwais, probably in the hope of Bayazid’s advancing preparations and trying to divert the enemy to the east from him, suddenly appeared again on the ruins of Baghdad and began to gather around him the scattered remnants of his former army , however, for the time being there was no need to fear serious difficulties from these weak raids, and preparations for a decisive blow against Bayezid could proceed in complete calm. No doubt we are told that Timur made one last attempt to come to a peace agreement with the Turks. Despite the fact that, now approaching seventy years of age, he still possessed the same degree of self-confident energy, he could hardly, with a very light heart, enter into a fight with the Ottoman Sultan, who was not without reason nicknamed Ildirim (“lightning” ), and whose forces, if in general less significant than those of Timur, could be fully assembled and ready in a short time, while his own troops were scattered throughout Asia Minor from the Euphrates to the Indus and Jaxartes. The recent wars in Syria and Mesopotamia also cost many people; In addition, one could notice signs of less readiness in the emirs, who would prefer to wallow in pleasant peace on looted treasures than to constantly be subjected to the hardships of war again. In a word, Timur may have wanted to first replenish his army on the native soil of Transoxania and refresh it with new forces, as he had done many times in previous years; Therefore, for the first time in his life, he calmly endured the challenge that Bayezid again captured the long-disputed border fortress of Erzingan while the Tatar army was occupied by Baghdad. Although he again appointed Takhert as his governor there, the same prince to whom the city actually belonged, and who coped with his task of maneuvering between both powers with great pleasure, Timur, no matter what, needed brilliant satisfaction if he did not want in the eyes of the whole world to bow before Osman. That he has now begun to seek it through diplomatic negotiations bears little resemblance to his former manner; but in any case nothing came of it. Bayezid left his embassy unanswered for several months, in which he, among other things, urgently demanded the extradition of the leader of the Black Lambs, Kara Yusuf; when the response news finally arrived, negative and, at the same time, rather impolite, it found the conqueror of the world already west of the Euphrates, on the way from Sivas to Caesarea, after taking a Turkish border town by storm. Bayezid's army really stood to the right of Timur near Tokat; but he knew that she would be forced to follow him if he went to the main city, Brussa.
Battle of Angora (1402)
The armies of both sides met at Angora; but while the Sultan, not paying attention to some discontent rising in his troops, with some boastfulness went hunting in sight of the enemy and remained there too long to take care of tactical details, Timur secured the advantages of the situation and sowed the possibility of discontent in the ranks of the Turks, which he never failed to do with respect to powerful enemies. In addition to the Ottoman troops themselves, the Janissaries, and the reliable Serbs, Bayazid’s army included soldiers from small states that he had abolished ten years earlier, and some detachments of Tatar horsemen who had been in Asia Minor since the first Mongol times. The latter willingly succumbed to instigations inviting them to go over to the side of their fellow tribesmen; the first were still loyal to their former sovereigns, who were also in the camp of enemies, and in addition were irritated against Bayezid because of his entire behavior: so with them the messengers of the cunning Timur found a favorable reception for their proposals. When the decisive battle began near the end of 804 (mid-1402), at a critical moment most of the Asia Minor and all the Tatars went over to Timur: Bayazid’s entire right flank was upset by this, and his defeat was decided. But while everything around was in flight, the Sultan stood unshakably in the center of the army with his Janissaries. He had no intention of admitting defeat; So he endured until his faithful bodyguards were completely exterminated. When, at nightfall, he finally agreed to leave the battlefield, it was too late: the fall of his horse betrayed him into the hands of his pursuing enemies, and just as once the Greek emperor before the Seljuk Alp Arslan, so now the Sultan of the Ottomans, under whose name it was not long before Byzantium trembled, appeared as a prisoner before the Tatar flight of Timur. Whether the widespread story that Timur carried him with him in an iron cage during his further march through Asia Minor is based on truth, whether this cage was then a cage, or rather a stretcher surrounded by bars, is, in the end, as indifferent as the reliability of the many anecdotes conveyed about the personal meeting and further relations between the winner and the vanquished: it is enough that Bayezid did not long endure the tearing torment of deeply affected pride. While the troops of his jailer devastated Asia Minor in all directions with fire and sword, half destroyed Brussa, the cradle of Ottoman greatness, finally took even Smyrna from the Rhodian knights of the Ioannites and brutally dealt with it, while his own daughter was forced to give up his hand to Timur's grandson, the contrite sultan was apparently fading away, and before the tamer of his violent head set out on his way back to the east, Bayazid died in his captivity (14 Sha'ban 804 = March 9, 1403).
Timur's state towards the end of his life
Middle East after the Battle of Angora
Timur, of course, could not think about extending his conquests to the Ottoman state and beyond the Bosphorus; from such a thought he should have been prevented in advance by the awareness of the weakest side of his large kingdom: that the actual root part of it lay on the eastern border. In addition, even before the war with Bayazid, the Byzantine rulers of Trebizond and Constantinople entered into negotiations with the Tatars in order to get rid of the dangerous Ottoman enemy with their help and pledged to pay them tribute; by this, according to Eastern concepts, they became vassals of Timur, who thus, without further efforts, was assured of the glory of subjugating these irreconcilable enemies of Islam to his scepter. Therefore, having again distributed Asia Minor to the emirs expelled by the Ottomans as his vassals, he left the rest of the Ottoman state, which was located exclusively on European soil, to itself, which he could do with all the greater dignity because Bayazid’s son, Suleiman, who managed to escape from Angora in Rumelia, very humbly asked for peace from there. In addition, Timur had, as we remember, to eliminate another old and restless enemy who was in his rear, in Baghdad. Ahmed Ibn Uwais, not without difficulty - his own son rebelled against him - held Baghdad during the events of Asia Minor, mainly with the help of his old friend Kara Yusuf, who, when Timur approached, again appeared from the west to his Black Lambs. Later, disagreements arose between the allies themselves; Ahmed had to flee to Syria from the Turkmen leader, and this latter played the role of sovereign in Baghdad as long as Timur found it convenient to allow him this pleasure. It didn't last long. After all of Asia Minor was conquered and the conqueror of Bayezid again installed the emirs he had expelled in their principalities as his vassals, he headed to Armenia and made those who had shown themselves obstinate in the last dangerous time feel the weight of his hand. Ortokid from Maridin, who tremblingly appeared in person with many gifts, was still graciously received, but the Georgians, who also turned out to be rebellious again, were severely punished, and Kara Yusuf was defeated at Hilla (806 = 1403) by an army sent to the south. Now he also fled to Syria, but was imprisoned in a castle in Cairo along with his former ally Ahmed, but on the orders of Sultan Faraj, who feared the wrath of his master. Now nothing prevented Timur from returning to his homeland, after four years spent in wars in Persia and Western countries: along the way, some rebels in the Caspian lands were also destroyed, and in Muharram 807 (July 1404). victorious commander (reentered his capital Samarkand at the head of his army.
Preparations for a campaign in China and the death of Timur (1405)
But the tireless conqueror intended to give himself only a few months, not for rest, but for preparation for a new, gigantic enterprise. From Moscow to Delhi, from the Irtysh to the Mediterranean Sea, there is not a single province left whose land would not have to groan under the hooves of his horses; Now his eyes turned to the east. The Kashgar Khanate, which since the campaign of 792 (1390) lay unquestioningly at his feet, was already adjacent directly to the border of China. It was easy to find a pretext to now invade the Middle Empire. Already in 1368 (769 - 70), the Genghis Khanids from the Khubilai family, who had reigned there until that year, had to give way to the founder of the national Ming dynasty, this was sufficient grounds for Timur, who held himself until his death as the majordomo of the descendants of the Mongol ruler of the world , in order to present to their emirs as an undeniable necessity the re-incorporation of this lost member into the kingdom.
The kurultai, which he immediately convened, approved this laudable idea with enthusiasm, which could be somewhat comparable to the feelings of the French Senate for the great Napoleon. They immediately began to carry it out: the seventy-year-old old man, in essence, could not waste much time. Already in the fifth month after entering Samarkand, the army, with incredible speed again increased to 200,000 people, set out through Jaxartes. But all too soon she had to stop. In Otrar, still on the right bank of the river, Timur fell ill with a fever so severe that almost from the first moment a fatal outcome could be foreseen.
On 17 Shabana 807 (February 18, 1405) the hand fell, the clock stopped, and time triumphed over the most powerful and illustrious Muslim sovereign who ever lived. It was all over, and the words “It was all gone as if it had never happened” really apply here.
Gur-Emir – Timur’s mausoleum in Samarkand
Assessment of Timur's activities
They are applicable here, at least in relation to everything that is worthy of making up the content of the life of a ruler. Of course, when reflecting historically, one must not take the too lofty point of view of abstract idealism, or the too low point of view of philistinism, which strives to be humane: already earlier, on one occasion, we found out to ourselves that it is useless to cry about the disasters of war if the human race is still such that without strong shocks, it remains sluggish and ineffective in relation to its true tasks. Therefore, we will evaluate as bearers of historical necessity even terrible oppressors of such a kind as Caesar, Omar or Napoleon, whose task was to destroy the decrepit world into pieces in order to clear the place for new, viable formations. In any case, the similarity that the no less sharply outlined figure of Timur represents with the image of Napoleon is very remarkable. The same military genius, as organizational as he is tactical and strategic; the same combination of persistence in the pursuit of a once accepted thought with a lightning-like onslaught at the minute of execution; the same steadfastness of internal balance during the most dangerous and difficult undertakings; the same tireless energy, giving as little independence as possible to secondary superiors, personally finding every important measure; the same ability to perceptively recognize the weaknesses of the enemy, without falling into the mistake of valuing him too low or despising him; the same cold-blooded inattention to the human material required for the fulfillment of great plans, the same immense ambition and greatness of aggressive plans next to the art of using the smallest impulses of human nature and with downright virtuoso hypocrisy; finally, the same combination of selfless courage with cunning deceit in the Tatar, as in his Corsican follower. Of course, there is no shortage of unimportant differences: we must give justice to the emperor-soldier that he won almost all his battles with his genius as a commander, while Timur’s main successes, the victory over Tokhtamysh, over Muzaffarid Mansur, over the kingdom of Delhi, over Bayazid, were always resolved by skillfully introducing discord among enemies or bribing despicable traitors - but such deviations still do not violate the general impression of striking similarity.
And yet it would be an injustice to Napoleon to put him on the same level as Timur. The code of laws and the government it gave to France, even now, after eighty years, remain the only connecting links that hold this as restless as they are gifted people in the state system necessary, in spite of everything, for modern civilization; and no matter how harshly he gave orders from Spain to Russia, the iron broom with which he swept the soil of Europe nowhere carried away good seeds along with the rubbish and chaff. And the most fatal thing about Timur’s actions was precisely that he never thought about creating any lasting order, but everywhere he only sought to destroy. If one decides to leave aside his sterile and cold-blooded inhumanity, he personally is the most majesticly outlined of all the Mohammedan sovereigns, his life is a real epic, the direct romantic appeal of which in a detailed description of a historian-artist should act with irresistible force. All the other great Islamic caliphs and sultans - Genghis Khan was a pagan - no matter how significant their own deeds were, owed most of their successes to outside forces. Mu'awiya had his Ziyad, Abd al-Melik and Walid had their Hajjaj, Mansur had his Barmekida, Alp Arslan had his Nizam al-mulk: Timur's only weapon, his army ready for battle, was his own creation, and not in on one really important campaign they were commanded by no one except himself. There was one person who was equal to Timur in inner strength, namely Omar; True, he only sent orders to his troops from afar, but by the force of his personality he completely dominated each of his commanders and showed all his greatness in another area, creating a state from barely organized bands of Bedouins and disordered foreign provinces, the foundations of which served for eight centuries. framework for national development, with all changes still to a certain extent uniform and continuous. The destruction of these foundations had long been prepared by the Turks, then accelerated by the Mongols and Tatars, with the exception of only the unfinished attempt of the valiant Ghazan Khan to create a new organism. It was the sad merit of Timur to complete this destruction forever, when he created chaos from all of Western Asia, in which the forces needed to restore a new Islamic unity no longer hid. If, in a purely political sense, his appearance is so ephemeral that after his disappearance we see how the same elements that were in action before him are again accepted almost unchanged for their activity where he interrupted it, then still after what he has accomplished By the general destruction of the last vestiges of material and mental civilization still left by his predecessors, none of those elements could any longer develop powerfully which could lead to the revival of the Islamic spirit and state. Thus, of the two greatest sovereigns of Islam, Omar stands at the beginning of the Mohammedan state life proper, as its creator, and at the end, as its destroyer, stands Timur, nicknamed Tamerlane.
Literature about Timur
Timur. Article in the Brockhaus-Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary. Author – V. Bartold
Giyasaddin Ali. Diary of Timur's campaign in India. M., 1958.
Nizam ad-Din Shami. Zafar-name. Materials on the history of the Kyrgyz and Kyrgyzstan. Issue I. M., 1973.
Ibn Arabshah. Miracles of fate in the history of Timur. Tashkent., 2007.
Yazdi Sharaf ad-Din Ali. Zafar-name. Tashkent, 2008.
Clavijo, Ruy Gonzalez de. Diary of a trip to Samarkand to the court of Timur (1403-1406). M., 1990.
F. Nev. Description of the wars of Timur and Shahrukh in Western Asia based on the unpublished Armenian chronicle of Thomas of Madzofsky. Brussels, 1859
Marlowe, Christopher. Tamerlane the Great
Poe, Edgar Allan. Tamerlane
Lucien Kerin. Tamerlane - Empire of the Iron Lord, 1978
Javid, Huseyn. Lame Timur
N. Ostroumov. Code of Timur. Kazan, 1894
Borodin, S. Stars over Samarkand.
Segen, A. Tamerlan
Popov, M. Tamerlan
They are not considered to be outright forgeries, but it remains doubtful how far the only surviving Persian translation of them corresponds to the original written in Eastern Turkish, or even how far this original was personally written or dictated by Timur himself.
One expert on military affairs, Jahns (Geschichte des Kriegswesens, Leipzig. 1880, pp. 708 et seq.) finds the methodological nature of the instructions to military leaders contained in Timur’s notes especially remarkable, but notes quite rightly that “the strategic and tactical connection of his military exploits yet not historically clear enough to be instructive.” A good example of what can happen with less caution can be borrowed from Hammer-Purgsta1l, who undertakes to provide a lot of information about Timur’s army (Gesch. d. osman. Reichs I, 309, compare 316): after reporting the uniforms introduced into silently, he continues: “there were also two regiments completely covered with cuirass, the oldest cuirassier regiments mentioned in military history.” Why the Mongolian jiba (which, however, can mean any type of weapon) should correspond to our cuirass more than the shell, which has been used in the East for many centuries not only for infantry, but also for horsemen, there is no indication of this; with the same or greater right one could use this very phrase, for example, to decorate the description of the Persian troops at Qadisiya (I, 264).
The figures here are again greatly exaggerated by historians. This is especially obvious in the following examples: in the testimony that Timur’s 800,000 soldiers fought against Bayezid’s 400,000 at Angora, and in the even bolder statement of the Armenian chronicler that 700,000 people took part in the capture of Damascus (Neve, Expose des guerres de Tamerlan et de Schäh- Rokh; Brussels 1860, p. 72).
This is what Muslim historians say. However, one should not remain silent about the fact that, according to the testimony of one Western traveler who penetrated to Timur’s court, his behavior was far from that of a zealous Muslim. Wheleer's conclusions cannot be considered indubitable, since he drew his information mainly from the Mongol history of Father Quatroux, the reliability of the sources of which has not been proven; the strong opinion expressed in the said note seems to me doubtful in its reliability. Therefore, I adhered to the generally accepted story.
Xizp is the Perso-Turkish pronunciation of the Arabic name Khidr. The relationship of this prince to Kamaradin, the murderer of his father, is unclear; after the campaign of Timur's commanders in 792 (1390), Kamaraddin is no longer mentioned, and according to Hayder-Razi (Notices et extraits XIV, Paris 1843, p. 479) Khidr, after the death of this usurper, achieved dominance over the tribes of the former Kashgar Khanate. But in Sherefaddin (Deguignes, Allgemeine Geschichte der Hunnen und Turken, ubers, v. Dalmert, Bd. IV, Greifswald 1771, pp. 32,35) the leader of the Jets and the tribes belonging to them is already Khidr in 791 (1389), and in 792 (1390) Kamaraddin again; This means that there should have been a division between these tribes for some time, with some obeying the young Khidr, and others Kamaradin. Details are still unknown; later Khidr Khoja is the sole ruler in peaceful relations with Timur (according to Khondemir, trans. Defromery, Journ. as. IV Serie, t. 19, Paris 1852, p. 282).
Of course, Berke had already officially accepted Islam, which at that time also prevailed everywhere in the tribes of the Golden Horde proper. But especially east of the Volga, most are so called. The Tatars were probably pagans, just like the Chuvash in the provinces of Orenburg and Kazan.
Kazi is the Perso-Turkish pronunciation of the Arabic qadi "judge". His father was a judge under Arten and enjoyed great influence at the latter's court; upon his death, he, along with several other dignitaries, enthroned his young son Muhammad and then died himself, leaving his position to Burhanaddin. When Muhammad then died without leaving any descendants, the cunning qadi was able to little by little subjugate the rest of the nobles of the country, and eventually even took the title of Sultan.
Osman is the Perso-Turkish pronunciation of the Arabic name Usman, in which the letter "c" corresponds in pronunciation to the English th. According to the ordinary calendar, Rajab 15 corresponds to June 18; but since Monday is given as the day of the week, it means that the Arabic count, as very often happens, is incorrect, and the real number is 19. However, according to one story, the battle lasted three days, which means that the inaccuracy of the date can perhaps be explained from here.
The details of this are conveyed differently and must be considered highly doubtful until further information.
We know nothing definite about the immediate circumstances of his death. That Timur’s son, then seventeen-year-old Shahrukh, cut off his head with his own hands is a brazen invention of his courtier, Sherefaddin; Also, Ibn Arabshah's story is not very plausible.
That is, prayer in mosques for the winner, which included recognition of him as the new ruler by the population.
S. Thomas (The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Dehli, London 1871), p. 328. We are indeed told that Khizr Khan sent a deputation to Timur’s son, Shahrukh, in 814 (1411) to take the oath of allegiance (see Notices et Extraits, XIV, 1, Paris 1843, p. 19b); meanwhile, this also contains little contradiction to what was said in the text, like the fact that many of the other Indian princes tried to ward off Timur’s attacks by declaring themselves his vassals; this meant that the kings would have submitted if only he, for other reasons, had not thirsted for war at any cost. Timurid panegyrists, of course, always try to give purely formal expressions of politeness a deeper meaning than they actually have. A similar desire has the story of Abd ar-Razzak in Notices et Extraits, op. t. pp. 437 et seq.
This is how Weil writes the name, at least according to the testimony of his Arab sources. In the only original in my possession, Ibn Arabshah's Vita Timur, ed. Manger, I, 522, I find Ilyuk or Eiluk; Hammer, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches I, 293, has Kara Yuluk, which he translates as “black leech,” while leech in Turkish means not Yuluk, but Syuluk. I am not able to establish exactly the form and meaning of this name.
Hertzberg decree op. p. 526; Eastern sources, in any case, do not give any information about this. This fact is doubtful, cf. with Hammer, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches I, 618, Weil, Geschichte des Abbasidenchalifats in Egypten II, 81, np. 4. The name Ertogrul, in any case, is only an assumption v. Hammer"a.
Although, according to Weil (Geschichte des Abbasidenchalifats in Egypten and, 97), only Persian historiographers talk about this demand and the obedience of the Sultan, both are quite plausible in the general state of affairs. Timur, who at that moment had already taken Smyrna, hardly returned to the east, without achieving the formal conquest of the Mamluks.
The 14th of Shabana corresponds to the 9th, and not the 8th, as v. cites. Hammer, op. op. p. 335. It should be noted that the day of the week is Thursday, which comes opposite the 13th of Shaban, corresponding in any case to the 8th of March, so the latter may still have to be considered the correct number.
When writing the material, the chapter “Tamerlane” from the book “History of Islam” by August Müller was used. In many places in the material, Muslim dating according to the Hijri is given before the dates from the Nativity of Christ
