According to the form of government, the Rhine Union was. Creation of the Confederation of the Rhine. German allies of Napoleon

THE TEACHERS' UNION AND THE UNION OF TEACHERS-INTERNATIONALISTS The tsarist government selected teachers who would serve it not out of fear, but out of conscience. It exiled and imprisoned socialist teachers. A socialist could get into a teacher only by smuggling, hiding his

Origin and development

At the signing of the agreement on the creation of the Confederation of the Rhine on July 12, 1806, 16 South and West German principalities officially announced their withdrawal from the Reich and unification in a confederation under the patronage of Napoleon. Before signing, Napoleon delivered a 24-hour ultimatum to the participants, under which, in case of non-signing, French troops were to be brought into South and West German lands. A few days after the conclusion of the Treaty on the Confederation of the Rhine, Franz II, who became Emperor of the Austrian Empire in 1804, abdicated the throne of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation and announced its abolition. This was also the fulfillment of Napoleon's ultimatum.

The Confederation of the Rhine was largely a military alliance, and its members were obliged to provide France with numerous military contingents. In response, many of them were raised in status (Baden, Hesse-Darmstadt, the duchies of Cleve and Berg became grand duchies, and Württemberg and Bavaria became kingdoms) and also achieved at times major expansions of their dominions. With the friendly Confederation of the Rhine, Napoleon created a significant buffer space in northeastern France. The Confederation of the Rhine depended on the decisions of Napoleon not only in the military sphere, but, within the framework of the continental blockade of England, and in trade policy.

According to the treaty, the Confederation of the Rhine was supposed to have common constitutional bodies, which, however, was soon abandoned due to the desire of the larger members of the union for independence. The Bundestag, organized by the presiding Prince Karl Theodor von Dahlberg, never met, because Württemberg and Bavaria refused to participate, first of all.

Austria and Prussia, as part of the Sixth Coalition, took part in the victory over Napoleon, which gave Germany a new chance to unite.

Union members

The following tables list the members of the Confederation of the Rhine, with dates of entry and fielded military contingents (in brackets):

Kingdoms and Grand Duchies

Principalities and duchies

Flag	Monarchy	Year of accession	Note
	Duchy of Anhalt-Bernburg	April 11, 1807	(700)
	Duchy of Anhalt-Dessau	April 11, 1807	(700)
	Duchy of Anhalt-Köthen	April 11, 1807	(700)
	Duchy of Arenberg-Meppen	July 12, 1806	Co-founder; mediatized December 13, 1810 (4000)
	Principality of Waldeck	April 11, 1807	(400)
	Principality of Hohenzollern-Hechingen	July 12, 1806	Co-founder (4000)
	Principality of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen	July 12, 1806	Co-founder (4000)
	Principality of Salm	July 25, 1806	Co-founder; December 13, 1810 annexed by France (4000)
	Principality of Isenburg-Birstein	July 12, 1806	Co-founder (4000)
	Principality of Leyen	July 12, 1806	Co-founder; former county (4000)
	Principality of Liechtenstein	July 12, 1806	Co-founder (4000)
	Principality of Lippe-Detmold	April 11, 1807	(650)
	Duchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin	March 22, 1808	(1900)
	Duchy of Mecklenburg-Strelitz	February 18, 1808	(400)
	Duchy of Nassau (Usingen and Weilburg)	July 12, 1806	Unification of principalities Nassau-Usingen and Nassau-Weilburg, who were co-founders of the Confederation of the Rhine (4000 each)
	Duchy of Oldenburg	October 14, 1808	December 13, 1810 annexed by France (800)
	Principality of Reuss-Greutz	April 11, 1807	(400)
	Principality of Reuss-Lobenstein	April 11, 1807	(400)
	Principality of Reuss-Schleutz	April 11, 1807	(400)
	Principality of Reuss-Ebersdorf	April 11, 1807	(400)
	Duchy of Saxe-Weimar	December 15, 1806
	Duchy of Saxe-Hildburghausen	December 15, 1806	(part from 2000 for Saxon duchies)
	Duchy of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg	December 15, 1806	(part from 2000 for Saxon duchies)
	Duchy of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld	December 15, 1806	(part from 2000 for Saxon duchies)
	Duchy of Saxe-Meiningen	December 15, 1806	(part from 2000 for Saxon duchies)
	Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe	April 11, 1807	(650)
	Principality of Schwarzburg-Sondershausen	April 11, 1807	(650)
	Principality of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt	April 11, 1807	(650)

Cards

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Confederation of the Rhine in 1806

Rheinbund 1808, political map.png

Confederation of the Rhine in 1808

Rheinbund 1812, political map.png

Confederation of the Rhine in 1812

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Notes

An excerpt characterizing the Confederation of the Rhine

On leaving Moscow, Petya, leaving his relatives, joined his regiment and soon after that was taken as an orderly to the general who commanded a large detachment. From the time he was promoted to officer, and especially from entering the active army, where he participated in the battle of Vyazemsky, Petya was in a constantly happily excited state of joy that he was big, and in a constantly enthusiastic haste not to miss any chance of real heroism. . He was very happy with what he saw and experienced in the army, but at the same time it seemed to him that where he was not there, the most real, heroic things were now happening. And he was in a hurry to catch up to where he was not.
When on October 21 his general expressed a desire to send someone to Denisov's detachment, Petya so pitifully asked to be sent that the general could not refuse. But, sending him, the general, remembering Petya's insane act in the battle of Vyazemsky, where Petya, instead of going by road to where he was sent, rode into the chain under the fire of the French and fired two shots from his pistol there - sending him, the general he specifically forbade Petya to participate in any of Denisov's actions. From this, Petya blushed and became confused when Denisov asked if he could stay. Before leaving for the edge of the forest, Petya thought that he must, strictly fulfilling his duty, immediately return. But when he saw the French, saw Tikhon, learned that they would certainly attack at night, he, with the speed of young people moving from one look to another, decided with himself that his general, whom he still respected very much, was rubbish, German, that Denisov is a hero, and the esaul is a hero, and that Tikhon is a hero, and that he would be ashamed to leave them in difficult times.
It was already getting dark when Denisov, Petya and the esaul drove up to the guardhouse. In the semi-darkness one could see horses in saddles, Cossacks, hussars, adjusting huts in a clearing and (so that the French would not see the smoke) making a reddening fire in a forest ravine. In the hallway of a small hut, a Cossack, rolling up his sleeves, was chopping lamb. In the hut itself there were three officers from Denisov's party, setting up a table out of the door. Petya took off his wet clothes to dry and immediately began to assist the officers in setting up the dining table.
Ten minutes later, the table was ready, covered with a napkin. There was vodka on the table, rum in a flask, white bread and roast lamb with salt.
Sitting at the table with the officers and tearing with his hands, over which the bacon was flowing, fatty fragrant mutton, Petya was in an enthusiastic childish state of tender love for all people and, as a result, confidence in the same love of other people for himself.
“So what do you think, Vasily Fyodorovich,” he turned to Denisov, “it’s all right that I’ll stay with you for a day?” - And, without waiting for an answer, he answered himself: - After all, I was ordered to find out, well, I will find out ... Only you will let me into the very ... into the main one. I don't need awards... But I want... - Petya clenched his teeth and looked around, twitching his head up and waving his arm.
- In the most important ... - repeated Denisov, smiling.
“Only, please, give me a command at all, so that I command,” Petya continued, “well, what is it worth to you? Oh, do you have a knife? - he turned to the officer who wanted to cut off the mutton. And he handed over his folding knife.
The officer praised the knife.
- Take it, please. I have a lot of them…” Petya said, blushing. - Fathers! I completely forgot,” he suddenly exclaimed. - I have wonderful raisins, you know, like this, without stones. We have a new marketer - and such wonderful things. I bought ten pounds. I'm used to anything sweet. Do you want? .. - And Petya ran into the hall to his Cossack, brought sacks, in which there were five pounds of raisins. Eat, gentlemen, eat.
- Do you need a coffee pot? he turned to the esaul. - I bought from our marketer, wonderful! He has wonderful things. And he is very honest. This is the main thing. I will definitely send you. And maybe also, flints have come out of yours, they have been trimmed - after all, this happens. I took with me, I have here ... - he pointed to the sacks - a hundred flints. I bought very cheap. Take, please, as much as you need, or that's all ... - And suddenly, frightened that he was lying, Petya stopped and blushed.
He began to remember if he had done any other stupid things. And, sorting through the memories of the present day, the memory of the French drummer presented itself to him. “It’s great for us, but what about him? Where do you share it? Did they feed him? Didn't you offend?" he thought. But having noticed that he had lied about the flints, he was now afraid.
“You could ask,” he thought, “but they will say: the boy himself took pity on the boy. I'll show them tomorrow what a boy I am! Will you be embarrassed if I ask? thought Petya. “Well, it doesn’t matter!” - and immediately, blushing and looking frightened at the officers, whether there would be mockery in their faces, he said:
- Can I call this boy that was taken prisoner? give him something to eat…maybe…
“Yes, miserable boy,” said Denisov, apparently not finding anything to be ashamed of in this reminder. - Call him here. Vincent Bosse is his name. Call.
"I'll call," said Petya.
- Call, call. Pitiful boy, - repeated Denisov.
Petya was standing at the door when Denisov said this. Petya crawled between the officers and came close to Denisov.
“Let me kiss you, my dear,” he said. - Oh, how wonderful! how good! - And, kissing Denisov, he ran into the yard.
- Bosses! Vincent! Petya shouted, stopping at the door.
- Who do you want, sir? said a voice from the darkness. Petya answered that the boy was a Frenchman, who was taken today.
- A! spring? - said the Cossack.
His name Vincent has already been changed: the Cossacks - in Spring, and the peasants and soldiers - in Visenya. In both alterations, this reminder of spring converged with the idea of ​​a young boy.
“He was warming himself by the fire. Hey Visenya! Visenya! Spring! voices and laughter echoed in the darkness.
“And the boy is smart,” said the hussar, who was standing next to Petya. We fed him today. Passion was hungry!
Footsteps were heard in the darkness and, barefoot slapping through the mud, the drummer approached the door.
- Ah, c "est vous!" - said Petya. - Voulez vous manger? N "ayez pas peur, on ne vous fera pas de mal," he added, timidly and affectionately touching his hand. – Entrez, entrez. [Oh, it's you! Want to eat? Don't worry, they won't do anything to you. Sign in, sign in.]
- Merci, monsieur, [Thank you, sir.] - the drummer answered in a trembling, almost childish voice and began to wipe his dirty feet on the threshold. Petya wanted to say a lot to the drummer, but he did not dare. He, shifting, stood beside him in the passage. Then, in the darkness, he took his hand and shook it.
“Entrez, entrez,” he repeated only in a gentle whisper.
“Oh, what should I do to him!” Petya said to himself and, opening the door, let the boy pass him by.
When the drummer entered the hut, Petya sat further away from him, considering it humiliating for himself to pay attention to him. He only felt the money in his pocket and was in doubt whether he would not be ashamed to give it to the drummer.

From the drummer, who, on the orders of Denisov, was given vodka, mutton, and whom Denisov ordered to dress in a Russian caftan, so that, without sending him away with the prisoners, to leave him at the party, Petya's attention was diverted by the arrival of Dolokhov. Petya in the army heard many stories about the extraordinary courage and cruelty of Dolokhov with the French, and therefore, since Dolokhov entered the hut, Petya, without taking his eyes off, looked at him and cheered more and more, twitching his raised head so as not to be unworthy even of such a society as Dolokhov.
Dolokhov's appearance struck Petya strangely with its simplicity.
Denisov dressed in a chekmen, wore a beard and on his chest the image of Nicholas the Wonderworker, and in his manner of speaking, in all methods, he showed the peculiarity of his position. Dolokhov, on the other hand, who had previously worn a Persian suit in Moscow, now looked like the most prim guards officer. His face was clean-shaven, he was dressed in a Guards padded frock coat with Georgy in his buttonhole and in a plain cap put on directly. He took off his wet cloak in the corner and, going up to Denisov, without greeting anyone, immediately began to question him about the matter. Denisov told him about the plans that large detachments had for their transport, and about sending Petya, and about how he answered both generals. Then Denisov told everything he knew about the position of the French detachment.
“That’s true, but you need to know what and how many troops,” Dolokhov said, “it will be necessary to go. Without knowing exactly how many there are, one cannot go into business. I like to do things carefully. Here, if any of the gentlemen wants to go with me to their camp. I have my uniforms with me.
- I, I ... I will go with you! Petya screamed.
“You don’t need to go at all,” Denisov said, turning to Dolokhov, “and I won’t let him go for anything.”
- That's great! Petya cried out, “why shouldn’t I go? ..
- Yes, because there is no need.
"Well, you'll have to excuse me, because... because... I'll go, that's all." Will you take me? he turned to Dolokhov.
- Why ... - Dolokhov answered absently, peering into the face of the French drummer.
- How long have you had this young man? he asked Denisov.
- Today they took it, but they don’t know anything. I left it pg "and myself.
Well, where are you going with the rest? Dolokhov said.
- How to where? I’m sending you under Mr. Aspis! - Denisov suddenly turned red, exclaimed. - And I can boldly say that there is not a single person on my conscience. than magic, I pg, I’ll say, the honor of a soldier.
“It’s decent for a young count at sixteen to say these courtesies,” Dolokhov said with a cold smile, “but it’s time for you to leave it.
“Well, I’m not saying anything, I’m only saying that I will certainly go with you,” Petya said timidly.
“But it’s time for you and me, brother, to give up these courtesies,” Dolokhov continued, as if he found particular pleasure in talking about this subject that irritated Denisov. “Well, why did you take this with you?” he said, shaking his head. "Then why do you feel sorry for him?" After all, we know these receipts of yours. You send a hundred of them, and thirty will come. They will die of hunger or be beaten. So isn't it all the same to not take them?
Esaul, narrowing his bright eyes, nodded his head approvingly.
- It's all g "Absolutely, there's nothing to argue about. I don't want to take it on my soul. You talk" ish - help "ut". Just not from me.
Dolokhov laughed.
“Who didn’t tell them to catch me twenty times?” But they will catch me and you, with your chivalry, all the same on an aspen. He paused. “However, the work must be done. Send my Cossack with a pack! I have two French uniforms. Well, are you coming with me? he asked Petya.
- I? Yes, yes, certainly, - Petya, blushing almost to tears, cried out, looking at Denisov.
Again, while Dolokhov was arguing with Denisov about what should be done with the prisoners, Petya felt awkward and hasty; but again he did not have time to understand well what they were talking about. “If big, well-known think like that, then it’s necessary, so it’s good,” he thought. - And most importantly, it is necessary that Denisov does not dare to think that I will obey him, that he can command me. I will certainly go with Dolokhov to the French camp. He can, and I can."
To all Denisov's persuasion not to travel, Petya replied that he, too, was accustomed to doing everything carefully, and not Lazarus at random, and that he never thought of danger to himself.
“Because,” you yourself will agree, “if you don’t know exactly how many there are, life depends on it, maybe hundreds, and here we are alone, and then I really want this, and I will certainly, certainly go, you won’t stop me.” “It will only get worse,” he said.

Dressed in French overcoats and shakos, Petya and Dolokhov went to the clearing from which Denisov looked at the camp, and, leaving the forest in complete darkness, went down into the hollow. Having moved down, Dolokhov ordered the Cossacks accompanying him to wait here and rode at a large trot along the road to the bridge. Petya, trembling with excitement, rode beside him.

Left bank of the Rhine. In the departments inherited by the Empire from the Convention, French rule was accepted without protest. From the moment they were occupied by the revolutionary armies until the establishment of the Consulate, these departments went through difficult years. The rupture of relations with the right bank, the departure of the nobility and the rich, arbitrary requisitions, the extortion of generals and tax-farmers, the venality of officials, the unsystematic management - had a heavy impact on the people's well-being; but anarchy and poverty, although they aroused quite legitimate discontent, did not lead to a genuine awakening of the people. Having languished for centuries under the yoke of the clergy or under the petty despotism of mediocre and powerless dynasties, unaccustomed to any moral effort, alien to Germany, whose literary and philosophical evolution remained unknown to them, the Rhine inhabitants by their own monarchs were accustomed to submit to the patronage of France, and therefore protested not against conquest, but only against the unbearable abuses associated with it.

The first consul abolished the extortions of the generals, punished the extortionate officials, carefully selected a new staff of employees, established everywhere a government based on the law, honest and devoted to the common good. It was enough to eliminate all hatred. Those few who hoped to establish an independent republic, as well as those who did not forgive the first consul for the theft of freedom, remained alone and lost all significance. The enthusiasm aroused here by Bonaparte was as unanimous and as great as in France. Napoleon made several rounds of the Rhine departments; he was received as a savior, and in the expressions of devotion that met him, for all their officiality, one can feel the gratitude of the liberated people.

Before the revolution, the German provinces of the left bank of the Rhine were distributed among 9 archbishoprics and bishoprics, 6 abbeys, 76 counts and princes, 4 free cities, not to mention independent imperial knights, the Order of St. Joadn of Jerusalem, Teutonic Knights. Each of these dominions had its own special customs, its own courts, its own customs. Under such conditions, the conquest was in itself a great boon. This was revealed as soon as the anarchy ended, and the inhabitants, who were so far only familiar with the anxieties and troubles of the revolution, experienced its beneficial effect.

In the countryside, progress was especially noticeable. “Agriculture will flourish in the new Rhine departments,” declared the first consul, “as soon as, with the sale of national property, the land falls into the hands of real tillers.” The future justified these words. In some localities, the nobility and the church still owned two-thirds or even three-quarters of the entire land. National lands that did not find buyers under the Directory, because everyone was afraid of the return of the old owners, were bought up by large companies, which broke them into small plots. Small proprietors, already quite numerous, now freed from feudal duties - tithes and corvee - joyfully set to work. The constant passage of troops gave them the opportunity to sell products with a profit, there was a lot of money, and Görres predicted the beginning new era- the predominance of the peasantry. Security was complete: the bands of robbers that nested in the mountains and became famous for their leaders were destroyed, and the gendarmerie, carefully selected, inspired confidence and respect in everyone. The roads were well maintained, and the new roads gave the most remote districts access to wealth and activity. Inconvenience caused by use in the courts French, abundantly rewarded - uniformity of laws, equal court for all and the establishment of oral and public proceedings. The Civil Code, introduced in 1804, responded to the needs of the new society and, facilitating the penetration of the principles of 1789 into the mores, created that social harmony, which, even stronger than the unity of language, was to finally fasten the new provinces with old France.

In the cities, the resistance was longer. They suffered more: many cities suffered damage due to the disappearance of the former princely courts and regretted about. that they have lost the significance of capitals; the educated classes enjoyed great influence here and felt more strongly the subordinate position to which circumstances condemned them. However, they could not but recognize the good intentions of the new French administrators. The prefects were appointed, with great discretion. Jean-Bon Saint-Andre, who spent twelve years in Mainz and introduced the virtues of the old republicans into the imperial administration, won hearts with his simplicity, heroic disinterestedness, stubborn diligence, firmness with which he defended the interests of the population entrusted to him. On a smaller scale, the prefects of Trier, Aachen and Koblenz followed his example: reasonable sanitary measures reduced mortality; public charity was organized; revived industry and trade; a new spirit swept over the population, whose outstanding natural abilities almost withered, while now they were awakening to life again.

No doubt not everything was perfect, and there was no shortage of things to complain about. The taxes seemed heavy: the salt tax, and most of all the tax on drinks and the tobacco monopoly, irritated this country of vine growers and smokers. The incessant wars, the severity of recruiting, the continental blockade and the rudeness of the customs examiners, who applied with all their harshness the already severe rules - all this caused dull discontent. Napoleon's break with the pope disturbed the religious consciousness of many, although perhaps it did not affect here with such force as in Belgium. The imperial government was embarrassed by this coolness, but only managed to oppose it with petty oppressions, which only increased discontent.

As a result of an unexpected turn in public opinion, the most implacable enemies of the new order were recruited mainly among writers, teachers, lawyers, that is, precisely among those who at first formed the core of the French party. Having sadly parted with their beautiful dreams of freedom, they suffocated under the inexorable supervision of the ruler, who identified every thought with indignation. In order to get rid of the centralization that was burdensome and hated by their uniformity, they went into the past. Görres, the Boissere brothers (especially Sulpicius) were in close contact with the Schlegel brothers and the Zarein romantics and, following their example, were fond of the Middle Ages, looked for paintings of the 14th and 15th centuries, and mourned the abandonment of the unfinished Cologne Cathedral. Thus, without realizing it quite clearly, the oppositionists returned to the old Germany; they felt like exiles in the land of the Encyclopedists and Voltaire. But their regrets remained platonic: Napoleon was too formidable for them to dare to fight him; their spiritual sufferings were little understood by the masses of the people, and their gloomy hermitage did not stop the course of changes taking place around.

Although the emperor did not show much concern for the spread of knowledge of the French language, and although, in particular, elementary education strangely remained neglected, time took its toll. The festivities that took place on the occasion of the birth of the Roman king were remarkable for their sincere enthusiasm, a significant sign that the peoples welcome with obvious joy an event that seemed to ensure the continuation of the existing order. Marriages between immigrant French and old local families became more and more frequent. It was expected that in two generations the merger would be completed and the entire population would become French "with all my heart, just as sincerely as it was German."

At the moment when happiness betrayed Napoleon, it turned out that this optimism was not exaggerated. Not only after the Berezina, but also after Leipzig, there was not a single attempt at indignation. During the winter of 1813/1814, when there were almost no troops in the country and only a small number of recruits and invalids guarded it, taxes were received as carefully as in the center of France, the number of evaders from military service was not more significant than in other departments. . “I advised the prefects to act more carefully,” Napoleon told Prefect Begno, “they answered me that this was not necessary.” The fiery proclamations of the Allies made no impression; It was as if the Germans had no idea that these calls to Germany were addressed specifically to them. But only a quarter of a century since they were annexed to France; but during this time so many changes have taken place, and the past has been so thoroughly destroyed!

When the Allies crossed the Rhine, the rebellions that broke out here and there were aimed only at robbery; the volunteers who responded to the appeals of the Prussian generals are gangs of robbers, eager for booty rather than military glory. "Goodbye! Goodbye!" - shouted the inhabitants of Bonn to the departing French battalions, and yet Bonn was one of the cities most affected by foreign domination. The return of the emperor during the Hundred Days caused a general excitement. The Prussian government, received with obvious coldness, ran into opposition for a quarter of a century, which it coped with only through patience and perseverance. It did not dare to encroach on revolutionary legislation, retained the Civil Code, the judicial organization, the jury, communal self-government. And for all that, it was not sure of the loyalty of its new subjects. And in Mainz, in the circle of old Napoleonic soldiers, they sang the glory of the victor at Jena and Friedland for a long time.

Monarchs and Reforms in Southern Germany. On the right bank of the Rhine, various circumstances somewhat weakened French influence. The socio-economic structure here was more backward, and, consequently, radical reforms were treated less sympathetically here. The ideas of equality and justice were assimilated by only a small part of the nation, and the reformers found themselves alone between the resistance of the privileged classes and the ignorant inertia of the crowd. The monarchs had neither consistency in plans, nor perseverance in their implementation, nor the clarity of views that a revolution requires. Finally, the German monarchs ran out of time, and it is hardly necessary to reproach some of the best of them too strongly for the despondency that seized them, sufficiently explained by the sudden changes of mood of their patron and his restless irritability.

Napoleon did not allow resistance to the slightest of his desires and severely suppressed even the most insignificant manifestation of independence. He asked for the hand of the daughter of the Bavarian king for Eugene Beauharnais, and when the latter showed no particular willingness to accept the groom, considering him somewhat lightweight in position and origin, Napoleon threatened that he would order his grenadiers to take the princess away from Munich. He forced Josephine's niece, Stephanie Beauharnais, as wife to the Hereditary Grand Duke of Baden, and his brother Jerome as son-in-law to Frederick of Württemberg. How unscrupulous Bonaparte was in his means was shown by the day when he ordered the capture of the Duke of Ejagien in Ettenheim, in Baden territory. Throughout his reign, Napoleon took pleasure in reminding his vassals of their insignificance by such actions, and, apparently, brought into this matter as much calculation as passion. His police everywhere diligently followed the newspapers, and the slightest impudence in the press brought thunder not only to the author, but also to the monarch, who failed to make the emperor respect. “According to the desire of his Majesty the Emperor of the French,” said Dahlberg in one famous decree, “only one political newspaper will be published in our duchy, the editor of which will be appointed and sworn in by our Minister of Police” (October 10, 1810). Woe to those princes who dared to find Napoleon's demands too heavy and challenged the contingent of recruits he demanded, or showed some discontent when sending reinforcements to Spain!

Fortunately for the wards, their master had a lot to do. When the regiments were fully manned and silence reigned everywhere, Napoleon forgot about Germany, or at least remembered it only in fits and starts. From time to time he noticed that his prescriptions were not carried out, that the peoples did not receive for the sacrifices they were entitled to the improvements that they were entitled to - a cruel slap fell on Karlsruhe or Stuttgart; the ministers bowed their heads, and then, when the storm passed, they went back to their old ways.

There was one point in the Napoleonic program that the German monarchs immediately understood and began to apply with fervor, namely, the suppression of liberties that constrained their power. In the internal life of their states, this was, as it were, a retribution for liberation from Austrian domination. “Drive me all of these ...,” Napoleon said to the Württemberg king, who was constantly fighting with his Landtag. For such cases, King Frederick did not need encouragement, but the words of the emperor found a response in many states. By a strange chance, representative advisory bodies soon remained only in the states that were under the most direct influence of France - in Frankfurt and Westphalia. In all other places, complete "sultanism" reigned.

Many German historians do not find enough strong expressions to stigmatize these despots of small caliber, who by oppressing their subjects tried to reward themselves for their servility to a foreign ruler. It is not difficult to find some extenuating circumstances. The Sejms (Landtags), abolished at that time, represented a handful of privileged people who defended not the rights of the nation, but the prerogatives of their caste. They were not a guarantee of rights and at the same time constrained power. Moreover, the new kingdoms were a kind of vinaigrette, the individual particles of which differed in their traditions, their laws, and even dialects; it was necessary to fuse together all these hostile elements. In order to be able to develop national life, first it was necessary to put an end to the past; But how can this be done if we do not first of all remove those who were the official and legal defenders of this past?

Prussia, after 1815, faced the same difficulties and resorted to similar means. The only reproach that really deserves the monarchs of the Confederation of the Rhine lies not so much in the fact that they did not replace the disappearing reactionary assemblies with modern parliaments, but in the fact that they did not always dare to carry out their work to the end and, out of negligence or timidity, stopped short of radical destruction of the old order. Generally speaking, they really learned only very imperfectly the lessons taught them by France: they were not so much imitators of the Constituent Assembly, but rather continuers of the "enlightened despotism" of the eighteenth century. Of the privileges, the monarchs destroyed those that limited their power, and worried rather little about the destruction of what burdened the people.

Of course, the policy of the monarchs changed by state, according to random circumstances and the nature of the holders of power. Napoleon had fanatical imitators, like the prince of Anhalt-Ketensky, who imagined that it was impossible to find a constitution better than the one given to his peoples by the hero "inaccessibly great, whom he loved like a brother": he rewarded his 29,000 subjects with a prefect, a sub-prefect, a court of appeal, state council.

In southern Germany, French influence was particularly deep in Hesse-Darmstadt and Württemberg. But Ludwig of Hesse (1790-1830) was one of those who opposed Napoleon's proposals for the longest time; he was one of the last to leave. Brought up by a wonderful mother, the great Landgravess, nurtured by the doctrines of the Encyclopedists, he took his duties seriously. Consistently, gradually, with energy and persistent prudence, he managed to destroy most of the abuses of the feudal regime and prepared a real revolution in social relations without arousing implacable hatred.

In contrast to Ludwig of Hesse, no monarch aroused so much hatred and irritation as Frederick of Württemberg (1797–1816). Rough and harsh, he possessed the soul of a tyrant. No one so ruthlessly oppressed petty imperial princes, no one violated with great arrogance the class prerogatives and liberties of zemstvo officials, no one showed more indifference to the sufferings of his people, no one treated public opinion with greater contempt. But Frederick had a clear mind and a strong will: more than once he dared to oppose even the orders of Napoleon himself. Friedrich foresaw his fall well in advance. This moment could become very dangerous for all the protégés of Napoleon, who managed to profit from his donations. Friedrich prepared for this moment X having created a state firmly united enough to defend itself from any attempts from outside and exist on its own. Abolishing all tax exemptions, giving his subjects personal freedom and free disposal of their property, he sought to strengthen his power, but his reasonable despotism nevertheless benefited the masses of the people.

Maximilian-Ludwig of Bavaria (1799-1825) carried out the same work of unification with more gentleness and less effort of will. Although he took in matters more Active participation than was thought for a long time, but he often succumbed to the influence of his beloved minister Mongel, who was all absorbed in diplomacy and did not always bring enough consistency and zeal to internal management. Monzhela, once persecuted for belonging to the Illuminati society, has not forgotten his offense; a student of Kaunitz and the diplomats of the 18th century, he hated the church and its privileges, but in the fight against it he showed more passion than firmness, and his defiant measures did not always stop evil in the bud. Monzhela did not so much shake the position of the nobility as threatened her; he solemnly proclaimed the abolition of serfdom, but did nothing to free the peasants from feudal obligations; promulgated a constitution that was never enforced. His main merit was that he gave Bavaria good government and broke the dominance of the clergy. He lacked diligence, the ability to enter into the details of the case, the seriousness of the mind.

Grand Duke Karl-Friedrich of Baden (1746–1811) was a timid and indecisive man. No matter how hard Napoleon tried to give him the most refined attention, all his flattering offers and signs of mercy had no effect on the monarch, who was naturally modest, ready to limit his ambition to the loyal fulfillment of his duties as a vassal of the "Holy Roman Empire". A friend of the Physiocrats, he was one of the first to apply their teaching, but violent changes inspired him with anxiety. Very pious, educated, sincerely devoted to his people, surrounded by honest, hardworking employees, like the mystic Uyag-Stilling and the lawyer Brauer, Karl-Friedrich sought, in his own words, to rule a free, wealthy, moral and Christian people. However, due to his scrupulous attitude to ancient privileges, he fought them with insufficient energy, and most of them outlived him.

In summing up French dominance in southern Germany, one must beware of exaggeration in one direction or the other. It would be an exaggeration to say that the feudal regime disappeared at this time; for the final emancipation of the peasants and the destruction of all privileges, it took another half a century: in 1816, the equality of all citizens had not yet been finally enshrined in law. Morals especially lagged behind the laws, and thus the nobility almost everywhere retained the predominant social influence. The change that has taken place, though not completed and disputed, is nonetheless extremely important... New principles have been proclaimed, significant words have been uttered, which will not be forgotten, and whose true meaning will gradually be revealed. The revolution is taking root and old order shaken. The secularization of church property, the closure of numerous monasteries, the abolition of tithes, the reduction of corvee, the success of enlightenment, the disappearance of the former customs houses and innumerable outposts contributed to the growth of prosperity, favored relations and created a general need for independence.

Having acquired prosperity, the subjects gradually had to wrest from their timid rulers the completion of the initiated reforms. They were not long content with equality alone; almost everywhere, over time, the exceptional authority of the church was broken, freedom of conscience was proclaimed, mixed marriages were allowed (between persons of different confessions), the school was removed from the influence of the clergy. Later, the barrier that had long separated southern Germany from northern Germany also collapsed. Discussing events has become a habit. Legal proceedings have been improved, the administration has transformed according to a single plan; a state framework has been created in which the people feel freer than before, get used to combining with the idea of ​​the state an idea of ​​their needs and rights, unknown to them until that time. Finally, military service introduced everywhere awakens valor, dulled by long inaction, and the Germans, under the rule of a foreigner, learn to understand the meaning of the words "discipline", "self-sacrifice" and "fatherland".

French influence in northern Germany. Napoleonic rule had almost the same influence in the north of Germany as in the south; but while the south seeks to transform itself after the model of the conquerors, the north, when confronted with a foreigner, withdraws into itself and gives a sharp rebuff to all his advances, characteristic of an unyielding individuality. The French influence is manifested here mainly by causing a reaction against itself. Thuringian duchies and both Mecklenburgs did not appreciate the honor of participation in the Confederation of the Rhine; at the first opportunity they slipped out of it. So far, they considered their duties fulfilled, delivering their few contingents with sin in half, and invested some kind of peculiar patriotism in the preservation of ancient privileges that gave rise to abuses. Saxony took the alliance with France more seriously; but if she, in her vanity, rejoiced at the defeats of Prussia and secretly harbored the hope of taking her place, nevertheless she did not find in herself either the desire or the strength for rebirth, since she was exhausted by the conceited despotism of the Augusts, lulled to sleep by a long peace.

The Saxon king Friedrich-August (1763-1827), thrifty, peace-loving, God-fearing, was rather puzzled than delighted by the graces of fate, for which he subsequently paid dearly. Before the revolution, he introduced some improvements in the judiciary and in the administration, banned torture, encouraged public education. Frightened by the upheavals taking place around him, he seemed to seek protection in ancient institutions. Although he himself was a Catholic among the Protestant people, it took the categorically expressed desire of the emperor himself to make him put an end to Lutheran intolerance and recognize the same civil and political rights for the followers of both religions. Napoleon proclaimed the freedom of the peasants and the publicity of the court in the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, which he annexed to Saxony; but these reforms did not cross the borders of the duchy.

In the Grand Duchy of Berg, in the Kingdom of Westphalia, the hands of the French were untied, although they had to fight with a very powerful nobility and with the distrust of a population strongly attached to German traditions. Here, without thinking twice, the entire trans-Rhein institutions were transferred. The experience was bold and nearly failed. Young king Jerome was surrounded by advisers animated by the best of intentions; among these advisers were several prominent people: such as the lawyer Simeon, General Eble, Marten, so famous for his works on diplomatic history, Doom, who enjoyed the confidence of Frederick II and was one of the main initiators of the union of princes (Furstenbund), Johann von Müller, an eloquent writer and sincere patriot. All of them were distinguished by a broad mind and showed no systematic distrust of the Germans, who occupied most of the seats in the state council, all prefectures and secondary positions.

The constitution proclaimed by Napoleon was excellent; the first conferences of zemstvo officials were of a serious and dignified nature; mutual goodwill brought all hearts together. The administration was reformed according to a reasonable plan; religious tolerance was declared, extended even to the Jews, who were subject to general legislation. Serfdom was abolished, and of the feudal duties, only those were retained that were rent, originally due to the sale of land. Workshops were abolished and freedom of labor was recognized. The Napoleonic Code (1808), the French mortgage system, was introduced. “Rarely,” says one German historian, very hostile to France, “did any country receive such good laws as this short-lived kingdom. Although its creator did not think about it at all, it was the first attempt to recreate Germany, which separated from Holy Empire". The Prussian envoy in Kassel bitterly stated the successes of the new state, "which will soon reach a high degree of perfection and happiness." “Let the Germans stop being reproached for their phlegm, their vanity, their language, their literature,” wrote the French envoy Reinard, who treated Jerome without any condescension: “as soon as the Westphalians are convinced that they are respected as Germans, it will be possible to win their heart,” - and he hoped that Westphalia would become French Germany, just as the Rhine provinces had become German France.

The first indignation against Napoleon. It was a honeymoon, really, quite short. The victors preached freedom to the vanquished, not noticing that their instructions were turned against themselves, for each improvement brought by the conquest made the conquest itself all the more hateful. The first right of peoples freed from fetters, and their first duty, was to demand free disposal of their destinies. The explosion was inevitable, but it would not have happened so soon and would not have been so strong, if there were no mistakes of the imperial policy.

When the publicist Gentz, who had once been fond of the ideas of the revolution, became one of the most eloquent leaders who led the resistance to Napoleon, and published his Fragments in 1804 and 1805 modern history European equilibrium and his Dresden Manifesto, or when Arndt started publishing his Dut Vremya, their prophecies were initially met only with distrust, and their calls for rebellion with indifference. The emperor, very sensitive to such attacks, became overly excited about this illusory agitation and, under the pretext that the pamphleteers threatened the safety of the French army, ordered Berthier to act with frightening examples. The Nuremberg bookseller Palm, guilty of selling a mediocre political pamphlet, was court martialed, sentenced to death and shot (August 25, 1806). The outrage was unanimous, especially among "that class of writers who already had a decisive influence in northern Germany." Since that time, there has been a gap between the conqueror and the enlightened sections of the population: writers, professors, students.

In 1809, the opposition considered public opinion sufficiently prepared to attempt a general uprising. Their plans failed for many reasons. They were puzzled by the neutrality of Prussia, which at the last moment refused to join the fight. Austria, rather clumsily, appeared for the first time in a new role for her, and her revolutionary proclamations aroused more surprise than enthusiasm. Napoleon's forces, although already damaged, were still formidable. Finally, the education of the peoples had barely begun: oscillating between gratitude and fatigue, the population remained somewhat neutral - they refused to assist the emperor, but did not rise up against him either.

In one place alone, in Tyrol, serious indignation broke out. The peasants inflicted heavy losses on the Bavarians, captured Innsbruck three times and continued to fight even after the Peace of Vienna. Their leader, Andrei Gofer, who had been extradited to the French by one of his compatriots, was sentenced by a military court in Mantua to death penalty; he himself gave the command to shoot and died courageously (February 21, 1810).

German historians willingly dwell on the vicissitudes of this outbreak, the military consequences of which were negligible, and Immermann chose Andrey Gofer as the hero of one of his best dramas. In fact, no conclusions can be drawn about the mood of the minds in Germany on the basis of an episode explained by very special circumstances. The Tyroleans had a longstanding displeasure against the Bavarians; zealous Catholics, they were deeply offended by Mongel's reforms, ineptly applied by intolerant officials; loyal to the Habsburg dynasty by virtue of an old tradition, they easily became the plaything of a few intriguers who left them without any compassion or shame. Neither in Gopher, whom the French soldiers called the brave General Sandwirtft "ohm (the owner of the tavern), or the Big Beard, nor in the student Ennemoser, nor in the Capuchin monk Gaspinger, who was true soul uprising, not the slightest trace of German patriotism could be found.

Stadion and Archduke Charles acted imprudently when they sent their army to the south. Not that there were few dissatisfied people there, but they were held back by ancient governments, very vigilant, and hatred of France was balanced here by distrust of Austria. In the north, a more seriously prepared movement might take on broad dimensions if it were supported by a regular army. Westphalia, Saxony, Franconia were swarming with agitators who received instructions from Königsberg and Berlin, were in contact with the Virtue League (Tugendbund) or with the Committee of Count Chazo and found assistants among students or former Prussian officers. King Jerome's Minister of Police, Berkagni, failed to foresee or stop anything. But fortunately for the French, the behavior of Frederick William III brought disorder among the leaders: instead of a general uprising, only a series of ill-conceived attempts, the failure of which was inevitable, turned out. The detachment of Katt, who captured the city of Stendal with a handful of people, was easily dispersed.

The enterprise of Dernberg, who had supporters throughout Hesse, was more serious, and he almost captured the king himself in Kassel (April 1809); the presence of mind and composure of Jerome, perhaps, saved Westphalia from an uprising at this time. A month later, the Prussian Major Schill, deceived by the first successes of the Austrians, crossed the border, again began to threaten Kassel and rushed to Stralsund, taken by General Gratian. During the attack (May 31) Schill was killed. His corpse was beheaded, his comrades were court-martialed; 25 people were shot, the rest were sent to hard labor.

From the supporters of Katt, Dörnberg and Schill, who were joined by some deserters from Prussia and the Confederation of the Rhine, the Duke of Brunswick-Els formed the Black Legit in Bohemia. Reinforced by several thousand Austrians, this detachment invaded Saxony, where it met with almost no sympathy, then entered Westphalia and, weakly pursued by mediocre, quarreling generals, went through the whole kingdom and reached the seashore, where it was received on English ships.

"Austrian brava" and the continental blockade. Despite their ultimate failure, the uprisings of 1809 nevertheless showed how fragile the building erected by the emperor was; for the first time, happiness wavered. Although the Grand Army, despite numerous signs of decline, still seemed powerful, it had no more reserves, and Napoleon moved third-rate generals and inexperienced recruits against the insurgent detachments. Nevertheless, the quite natural failure of the uprising caused gloomy despondency. Silence reigned, and for those who were weary of attempts at resistance, Napoleon's marriage to an Austrian princess was a welcome pretext to bow to a fait accompli. The extravagant antics and tyranny of the emperor brought quick disappointment to those who last tried to get closer to the conqueror. The monarchs were little satisfied with the expansion of their possessions under the latest treaties: they expected more; the more they were irritated by the territorial concessions they were forced to make; they were driven out of patience by the ever-increasing demands of the ruler, whom they themselves had placed over themselves. The capture of Holland horrified them. “This incident deeply worries me,” the Queen of Westphalia wrote to her father, “because I see that in this world there is no lasting happiness for anyone. Where to look now for guarantees for kings? When neither the closest kinship with Napoleon nor the obvious affection of Russia protected against the decrees of annexation, then who could consider himself safe from the decrees of the French Senate? The monarchs saw before them two possibilities, equally painful: either the emperor would not resist the new coalition and carry them away in his fall, or, when circumstances so required, he would declare them deposed and replace them with his prefects.

Confusion reigned everywhere. Hidden melancholy deprived everyone of good spirits. This was felt most strongly in Westphalia. Jerome at first did not make a bad impression on his subjects: his benevolence, simplicity, elegance of manners, somewhat naive pomposity of his statements - disarmed everyone. He took his duties seriously. The impudence with which his brother treated Jerome quickly made him forget his good intentions. Careless and frivolous, Jerome sought distractions from the consciousness of his impotence in expensive whims that upset his finances and lowered his dignity. The enlightened advisers of the first years of his reign were replaced by adventurers who challenged each other not so much for power as for the benefits associated with it. Grimm wrote in 1813: “Scarcely at any court has intrigue reigned to such an extent as in Westphalia. The king did not have a favorite, but, what is much worse, the position of favorite constantly changed hands. The spirit of selfishness and fatigue spread farther and farther: officials were careless about their duties and tried only to get away with it. Raynar notes the general decline of "principles of government, talents, and especially morality."

The peoples became more and more impatient with the chicanery of the imperial police, with the severity of censorship, with the outrageous treatment to which the most harmless writers were subjected. The Spanish war annually consumed thousands of people, and the recruitment, which the population, capable by nature of their military service, would endure willingly, became hated, because the emperor took people's lives and did not even share glory with them - all to satisfy his personal ambition. Enraged by the stubborn resistance of England, Napoleon brought unheard-of stubbornness into the war he waged against English goods; consumers suffered severely from the increased prices of sugar and coffee. Extensive raids were made on the secret warehouses of English goods: in Frankfurt, Stuttgart, Waden, Munich, Dresden, Leipzig, in the Hanseatic cities, whole piles of confiscated goods were burned.

In some countries the prohibition system caused at first a certain revival of the industry, but the products coming out of the new factories, created in haste and poorly equipped, did not % found buyers, and the manufacturers, who had only insignificant capital, constrained by customs barriers, soon found themselves ruined.

The situation in the north was especially deplorable. Former markets closed; bread, wood, hemp, wool, which once were widely sold "in America, England and Spain, were no longer sold. Vessels rotted in the harbors of Hamburg and Bremen; guerrilla war in which passions were extremely inflamed. "The fermentation has reached extreme, - Jerome wrote to his brother on December 1, 1811. - If war breaks out, the whole region from the Rhine to the Oder will become the focus of a general uprising. The reason for this ferment lies not only in hatred of France and in dissatisfaction with a foreign yoke; rather, it must be sought in the general state of misery, in the complete ruin of all classes, in the excessive burden of taxes, in military indemnities, in military quarters, in various oppressions, constantly renewed. One should beware of an explosion of despair among peoples who have nothing more to lose, because everything has been taken from them. Davout, Rapp, all the generals, all the administrators sent similar warnings. The emperor pretended to treat them with disdain; however, the near future justified all these fears.

Notes:

That is, directly related to the emperor of the "Holy Roman Empire". - Approx. ed.

This refers not to the Schonbrunn (otherwise Vienna) peace treaty, which ended the war between France and Austria in 1809, but Napoleon's agreement with the Prussian representative Gaugwitz, concluded in Schonbrunn after Austerlitz (1805). - Approx. ed.

The Merovingians (VI-VIII centuries) are considered the first dynasty in the history of France, the Carolingians (VIII-X centuries) the second, the Capetians (from the X century to 1792) the third. The Bonapartes, according to Napoleon, were to become the fourth dynasty. - Approx. ed.

The author is completely wrong trying to portray Napoleon as the heir to the revolution. The Napoleonic government strangled the French Revolution, retaining only those of its results that were beneficial to the big bourgeoisie.

This appraisal of the Napoleonic administration should be accepted in a sufficiently restrictive way: its “honest” service. The “common good” amounted to the establishment of a political order in order to protect the interests of the big bourgeoisie, and no measures could get rid of bribery, bribery and extortion. - Approx. ed.

This is a completely wrong characterization: on both banks of the Rhine, the most patriotic young people, who hated the military-occupation regime of Napoleon, volunteered. - Approx. ed.

This name was borne by a number of Saxon electors in the 18th century, - Prim, ed.

Napoleon, tearing Tyrol from Austria, gave it to Bavaria. The Tyrolean uprising was pacified by the Bavarians and the French. - Approx. ed.

That is, to Bavaria. We are talking about the 1809 war of Austria against Napoleon and his German "allies". - Approx. ed.

The King of Holland was Louis (Louis) Bonaparte, Napoleon's brother, - Approx. ed.

A hint at the Duke of Oldenburg, a relative of Alexander I. - Approx. ed.

Confederation of the Rhine(Confederation of the Rhine) (1806-13), the union of a number of states in the Center, and South. Germany. After the victory at Austerlitz (1805), Napoleon, who annexed the entire left bank of the Rhine, proclaimed the creation of the R.S. under his protectorate. The small german principalities included in it were supposed to renounce the "Holy Roman Empire", which was declared dissolved. After the defeat of Prussia near Jena (1806), several more. Principalities and cities joined the R.s., so that Napoleon gradually expanded his possessions to the river. Elbe. The Germans welcomed the creation of the R.S., considering it a step towards unification, but in fact, Napoleon simply needed to put up a barrier against Prussia and Austria. When, as a result of the continental blockade, the economy began, difficulties, the idea of ​​​​R.s. became less popular, especially since its members were charged with supplying recruits to Napoleon's army during the campaign of 1813. After the defeat of Napoleon near Leipzig, R.s. disintegrated: its members, one by one, began to make peace and go over to the side of the Quadruple Alliance consisting of Prussia, England, Russia and Austria. Congress of Vienna consolidated the fragmentation of Germany by creating the German Confederation.

During the Napoleonic Wars, the map of Germany, like the whole of Europe, was significantly redrawn. This country was not united under the rule of one state. Instead, there were many kingdoms in the German lands. All of them were formally part of the Holy Roman Empire, but the emperor, who was primarily the ruler of Austria, had almost no power over its members. Napoleon, having captured Germany, completely changed the balance of power in it, trying to create an “ideal state” there in the image of France.

Prerequisites for the appearance

Austria for Bonaparte was one of the most implacable opponents. The Habsburgs were part of all coalitions against revolutionary France, but time after time their armies were defeated. Napoleon conceived the Confederation of the Rhine as an alternative to the former state system in Germany. He regarded the existence of the Holy Roman Empire and the nominal primacy of Vienna as obsolete throwbacks.

For the first time, Bonaparte announced his plans after the victory of the French over the Russian-Austrian army in 1805. Then most of the rest of the German states took up arms against Austria. The authorities of Baden, Hesse-Darmstadt, Württemberg and Bavaria joined Napoleon. Although they hesitated for a long time and were unreliable allies, the Emperor of France generously rewarded them. The electors of Bavaria and Württemberg received royal titles. The ruler of Baden refused such an honor, realizing that his modest possessions did not pull on an “increase”, and, together with the Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, remained the Grand Duke.

German allies of Napoleon

Before the Confederation of the Rhine, loyal to Napoleon, was created, the Allies cut off a significant part of their lands from the Habsburgs. Württemberg was content with acquiring part of Swabia, Baden received Breisgau and several other cities. The Kingdom of Bavaria annexed Augsburg and Tyrol.

The process of this redistribution of Germany ended in 1806. By this time, the few free cities remaining from the Middle Ages - Frankfurt, Augsburg and Nuremberg - had lost their independence. The same happened to spiritual orders, counts, barons and imperial knights. Representatives of the most eminent German aristocratic families, who gave Europe famous military leaders and politicians, lost their hereditary allotments. By creating the Confederation of the Rhine, Napoleon did not get rid of all of them. Some even acquired something new after the arrival of the French. So the emperor recruited loyal supporters, whose well-being now depended on the fate of the patron.

Creation of an alliance

In July 1806, the Confederation of the Rhine was established. First, it included 16 states in the south and west of Germany, and later 23 more small principalities joined them. The most important members were the kings of Württemberg and Bavaria. Formally, the "eternal union" was concluded on the equal rights of all states. In fact, the new formation became a satellite of France. Bonaparte gave nothing for free. By giving his supporters new titles and freedom from the Habsburgs, he made them his vassals.

In reality, the alliance proved to be the short-lived military machine France needed as the Napoleonic Wars continued throughout Europe. According to the charter, at the first Paris demand, the emperor was to receive 63,000 fresh German soldiers ready to defend his interests.

Counterweight to Prussia

After the defeat of Prussia at the Battle of Jena in October 1806 and the conclusion with Alexander I in the summer of 1807, new states entered the union. On their territory, Napoleon created a new Westphalian kingdom with its capital in Kassel. His brother Jerome Bonaparte became the ruler there. Frederick Augustus I of Saxony also received the royal title. After that, the population of the Confederation of the Rhine began to number 16 million inhabitants, and the size of its army fluctuated within 120 thousand soldiers.

If Austria was already defeated, then Prussia was still trying to resist the influence of Bonaparte. The Napoleonic Wars seriously shook the position of Frederick William III. To oversee the Prussian king, the emperor created the Grand Duchy of Berg with its capital in Düsseldorf, where his son-in-law was placed on the throne

Kingdom of Westphalia

In November 1807, the Kingdom of Westphalia was created. Like the Grand Duchy of Berg, it was created as a headache for Prussia. This experiment of Bonaparte was his most daring decision in Germany. In the heart of the German lands, a state subordinate to the French dynasty was created. The Kingdom of Westphalia was uncertain in both population and territory. It included lands scattered across different provinces. Many enclaves with completely different inhabitants appeared.

Why did the German population so obediently endure the experiments and improvisations of the Frenchman? Historians are still building a variety of theories. The military genius of Bonaparte, his amazing charm, had an effect. With his victories, he paralyzed all his potential opponents who could lead a protest against the emperor. In addition, the Germans still do not have a single national consciousness. The inhabitants of various small principalities had many accounts with each other and did not dare to step over their mutual grievances in order to oppose Napoleon.

The brainchild of Bonaparte

The Confederation of the Rhine, created by Napoleon in 1806, was largely an artificial formation. The emperor wanted to establish in his states a constitutional system with freedoms and human rights in the likeness of French law. But it turned out to be impossible to create a single system for the entire union. Large states like Bavaria did not want to be equalized with small neighbors.

In 1812 Napoleon traveled east to Russia. He took with him the best German troops- his army was very diverse in its national character. Only a few recruits, veterans and the disabled remained in Germany. The Germans could have overthrown de facto French rule, but they did not. The Confederation of the Rhine (1806-1813) could boast of calmness and loyalty, even when the emperor was defeated in Russia.

Decay

Nevertheless, the fate of this confederation was sealed. After Bonaparte was defeated in the "battle of the nations" in the vicinity of Leipzig, the alliance broke up. Germany was again divided, and its borders were determined by foreign powers. German fragmentation was preserved. However, it was never restored.

But even despite the failure of the experiment, the Confederation of the Rhine, whose constitution was adopted in the likeness of the French, proved to be an important experience. Later, other alliances of German states appeared in Germany, and they adopted some of the features of this Napoleonic brainchild.