Medicine      04.11.2021

The main sources on students of the 19th century. Students in the social and political life of Russia in the late XIX - early XX centuries. List of sources used

    Early 19th century - the time of cultural and spiritual upsurge in Russia. The education system of the first half of the XIX century. The case of public education in the post-reform period. Students of the sixties and higher education. Spread of private educational institutions.

    Higher education in Russia under Alexander I. The teaching staff, its cultural and scientific level. Higher education in the second quarter of the 19th century. General Rules of the Imperial Universities. Education system post-reform Russia.

    Struggle for secondary and higher female education in Russia was integral part a social and pedagogical movement that unfolded from the middle of the 18th century, when the Smolny Institute for Noble Maidens and boarding houses for girls were first created.

    Engineering student initiative. Creation of the university. Scientists and specialists of the Odessa Polytechnic University.

    The introduction of fees in higher educational institutions. The position of paying students. Charging tuition fees. Fellows. Providing for the poor. Housing status of fellows. Individual scholarships. The ninth conference of the trade union section of the students.

    Political life of Russia at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Students as a social stratum. Revolutionary movement in the student environment of St. Petersburg. Organizations and leaders of the revolutionary student movement in St. Petersburg.

    Organization of new departments. Student practice. Development of MGSU-MISI.

    The history of education in Ukraine is closely connected with the entire history of the Ukrainian people. Centuries-old existence in a state of fragmentation, under the yoke of the Mongol-Tatar hordes, Polish, Lithuanian and Hungarian feudal lords had a strong influence on the development of education.

    Prerequisites for the formation of a university in Italy. Political and intellectual life of the world in the era of antiquity. Early in the 11th century, the clerics discovered a shortage of powerful intellectuals and contributed to the university boom. University of Bologna.

    Growth in the number of medium general education schools and their graduates in the 60s. Release of specialists with secondary specialized and higher education in the 60s.

    Secondary School in the Last Decades of the Russian Empire The successes of the post-reform development of secondary education were undeniable. If in 1856 there were only 78 gymnasiums and real schools, then by the end of the century - more than 300, and by the beginning of the First World War - about 700. Now the average ...

    Working conditions of the school during the war. main body of students. Correction curricula. Changes in the composition of the teaching staff.

    The Decembrist uprising in 1825 had a huge impact on all aspects of the social life of the Russian Empire, including education. The new emperor Nicholas 1 saw one of the reasons for the revolutionary uprisings in the imperfection of the educational system.

    CONTROL WORK Topic: "Education system in the XVIII century" CONTENTS: I. Introduction II. Transformations in the education system by Peter I III. University, gymnasium, Academy of Sciences

    Control over the direction of lecture courses. The strip of internal reaction in Russia, the curtailment of reforms after the war of 1812-1814. The policy of the Ministry of Public Education in relation to the outlying universities consisted in rapprochement with the Russian order.

    Report on the history of a student of the 6th "B" class Timoshkina Ekaterina Brief historical background. century in Europe began to appear the world's first higher schools - universities. Some universities, for example, in Seville, Paris, Toulouse, Naples, Cambridge, Oxford, Valencia, Bologna were founded ...

    Lecture on the topic “The Origin of the Higher School of the Russian Empire” Topic 2: The Origin of the Higher School of the Russian Empire. Lecture - 2 hours. Study questions:

    Rapprochement of Russia with the West. The first reforms in the field of education. Opening of the Navigation School. Features of teaching in schools. Opening of a medical school in 1706. Library and press under Peter I. Gymnasiums, university courses and academies in Russia.

    The system of education of the Russian state in the period of autocracy and in the period of outstanding scientific discoveries (late 19th–early 20th centuries). The formation of the RSFSR in the first post-October decade, the elimination of illiteracy. Activity of the education system in the USSR.

    The end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century was marked by the appearance of a large number of students from Russia in Western European universities. This gratifying phenomenon was at first greeted with understanding by the European public.

INTRODUCTION

higher education student body

IN modern conditions When the higher school of Russia is experiencing serious difficulties in adapting to the new conditions of the socio-economic development of the state, an urgent requirement is the historical analysis and generalization of a wide range of problems related to its spiritual, scientific and cultural potential.

The successful solution of this difficult task depends on many factors, the main of which is the careful attitude to the historical past of universities, the preservation and comprehension of the intellectual, scientific and cultural traditions accumulated by them. In this regard, the study of the history of pre-revolutionary students, which was rightfully considered a true "barometer" of cultural and social life, is noticeably updated. Russian universities. This paper presents the whole range of problems related to the life and work of student youth at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries.

The history of Russian students is quite well covered in the literature and has a fairly representative historiography. The history of Russian students in the 19th and 20th centuries is described most fully and in detail in the monographs of A.E. Ivanova.

This book is the first monographic study in Russian historiography, specifically dedicated to the students of the Russian Empire in the 19th - early 20th centuries. as a socio-demographic community that, in terms of its professional prospects, was part of the intelligentsia, although not fully identical to it.

The monographs present those aspects of student life that ultimately determined its social psychology (group consciousness), subculture, socio-political behavior, namely: the motivation for choosing a profession by graduates of various types of secondary educational institutions (male and female) in the which they went out; normative principles, technology", class-religious-protective regulators of the admission of applicants to higher education (public and public-private); social and national structuring of the composition of the student body; its legal status; material and living situation (budget, food, housing conditions, clothing, state of health, age); Russian student abroad (geography, statistics, legal and financial situation).

The torment of an applicant in the work of A.E. Ivanov are also covered in great detail. True, in the idyllic times of the empire, as it turns out, universities were given to some people for free - graduates of "classical" gymnasiums. And it's not about high level education provided by gymnasiums, but in the desire of the state to somehow delay the process of the inevitable democratization of society and preserve, against all odds, the estates of the administrative apparatus. The university provided access to public service, and in the gymnasiums studied mainly the children of the nobility. There was no need to put obstacles in the way of "ours" - otherwise, God forbid, "strangers" would come in their place. The book is full of numbers. The monograph examines in detail the categories of potential applicants and their opportunities (and along with the "classics" and "realists" there are seminarians and pupils of teacher's institutes that usually slip out of sight), the features of the "women's issue". All this includes not only the technique of admission, but also the motivation for continuing education and choosing one or another educational institution; number; social, age and national structure of students; living conditions (starting from the budget and ending with the state of health) - finally, exotic (everything is the same, but with respect to Russian students who have gone abroad, including the cost of a room with a stove in some Swiss university city). It can be said that the absence of the most important thing is striking - the learning process, attitudes towards studies, politics, intellectual fashion, and so on.

Monograph Tkachenko N.S. is devoted to the study of the question of the participation of Moscow students in the socio-political life of Russia in the second half of the 19th century. The students of the Petrovsky Agricultural Academy and the Technical School took a significant part in this movement. But the leading role in the social and political life of Moscow students was played by Moscow University, therefore, in this work, the main attention is paid to it. The work highlights the participation of students of Moscow University in the socio-political life of Russia in 1861-1900. The Raznochinsk stage of the liberation movement ends in 1895. The author of this work brings his research to 1900, when the powerful movement of students of Moscow University began to develop into a general student strike of 1902.

Overview of the activities of the department of the Ministry of Public Education during the reign of the emperor Alexander III published in 1901 gives a complete picture of the state of higher education in the period under review and contains statistical information about universities and other educational institutions late XIX V.

The chronological scope of the study is limited to the period 1881-1990.

The methodological basis of the study is the principles of historicism and objectivity, which make it possible to recreate a reliable picture of the era and show all facets of the life of Russian students in the second half of the 19th century.

Object of study: Russian students at the end of the 19th century.

The subject is socio-cultural processes among the students of this period.

The purpose of the work Russian students in the second half of the nineteenth century

In accordance with the set goal, the following tasks were set and solved in the work:

-to recreate a historically reliable and diverse scientific chronicle of Russian students: its social nature, level and principles of material, domestic and legal life support,

-describe the norms and traditions of the spiritual and cultural life of students;

-reveal the role of students in the social and political life of Russia at the end of the 19th century.

The structure of the course work consists of an introduction, two chapters, a conclusion and a bibliography.

CHAPTER 1. HIGHER EDUCATION IN RUSSIA AT THE END OF THE XIX CENTURY

1.1 Features of university education

In 1881, there were 8 universities in the Russian Empire: St. Petersburg, Moscow, Kharkov, Kazan, St. Vladimir in Kiev, Novorossiysk (in Odessa), Warsaw, Yuryevsky (Yuryev).

The number of people who graduated from universities and received scientific and medical degrees was constantly growing, from 1954 people in 1881 to 3892 people in 1894. the largest part of the students accounted for the study of legal sciences, followed by medical faculties, physics and mathematics, historical and philological and theological faculties.

The distribution of students by class can be judged from the following table.

Table 1

By estatesChildren of nobles and officials. Religious titles Other estates. Foreigners Total number of students 1881. 46061844324416598591894

In the life of Russian universities in 1881-1894, the main events were: the introduction of a new general charter in 1884 to replace the previous one in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Kharkov, Kazan, St. Vladimir in Kiev, in Novorossiysk and Odessa universities and the opening in 1888 a new university in Tomsk.

The introduction of the new charter is a major event in the life and work of universities, because it completely changed the conditions for their existence. Under Article 73 of the new statute, the student was given the right to choose a teacher himself if the subject was read by several teachers. In addition to the fee in favor of the university, in accordance with Art. 129 of the charter, a special fee (the so-called fee) is established for listening to lectures and participating in practical classes in favor of the teacher whose lectures the student attends. A prototype of education standards was introduced, which was approved by the Minister of Public Education, so each student entering a particular university faculty should know in advance what knowledge and skills he must acquire in order to receive a university diploma. The division of students into courses and transfer exams from course to course were abolished, but it was established that only those students who had completed the number of six months prescribed for completing the course (10 in medical and 8 in other faculties) were allowed to take the final exams. Thus, it was assumed that students would study their chosen sciences and with their chosen teachers under the vigilant supervision and guidance of the latter, the result of the classes would be a credit for each half year by the faculty. A student who has not been credited for 3 semesters in a row or 5 semesters in general is dismissed from the university. Classes of students of scholarships under Art. 128 are under special control, and the scholarships and allowances themselves are awarded under Art. 82 for special competitive tests. The chairpersons of the examination commissions are appointed by the minister, either from outsiders or from professors of other universities, and the members of the commission from professors of the same university. Students' misdemeanors are tried by a special university court, consisting of three judges elected annually from university professors.

The charter of 1884 pays special attention to the scientific and practical studies of students, giving these studies, if not more, then equal importance with lectures. According to Article 25, teaching at the university is divided into academic semesters, and these semesters are defined from August 20 to December 20 and from January 15 to May 30.

The Charter of 1884 establishes various types of scholarships and allowances, issued until the award of scholarships at the beginning of the student's university studies, subject to impeccable behavior and success in studies.

Following the introduction of the statute, there followed orders for the gradual introduction of uniforms for students, the publication of faculty reviews of the teaching of sciences by semesters, semester credits and examination requirements in test commissions.

1.2 Students as a socio-demographic group in Russia in the 19th century

In 2015 our country will celebrate the 260th anniversary of the founding of Moscow University. It is generally recognized and does not require additional argumentation that, historically, Moscow University has been both a scientific, cultural and educational, and socio-political center not only of Moscow itself, but of all of Russia. All Russian society... listened to what Moscow University was doing and saying, the oldest both in time of its existence and in its experience and maturity (Proclamation of the Kyiv Union Council of United Communities and Organizations. March 1899 / TsGIAM. F. 418. Op. 514. D. 89. L. 17). Meanwhile, the face of the university was determined not only by its teachers, but also by students. And, consequently, in many ways they determined the face of the entire Russian society as a whole. In any case, society itself readily recognized this phenomenon. Yes, in historical note Moscow professors we read: A student in Russia is not a student, but a teacher of society.” Thus, the problem of the formation of the spiritual and psychological atmosphere of the pre-revolutionary era is in many respects the problem of the formation of the spiritual and psychological image of Russian students.

Students were a new social group in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. We must pay tribute to the tsarist government, which supported the desire to study at the universities of young people from the poor. Of the 4,017 students at metropolitan universities, 1,957 were the children of poor parents, with 847 of them receiving scholarships.

In these faculties, essentially new to the tradition of Russian higher education, a special spiritual environment was born and grew stronger, which no dictate was able to control and suppress. The very property of philosophical and social thought, the logic of its development inevitably leads to problems and solutions, the content of which remained indifferent to the husk of their verbal shell. Ideology is ideology, and philosophy was looking for its inner meaning and found it. However, with all social cultural innovations, some special law of inconsistency between intention and result is associated. Being created and established for the sake of some specific goal, they very quickly begin to live according to their own law, entering into complex collisions with the force that gave birth to them. This is what happened to Russian universities. Soon after the establishment of the Moscow University, its professorship began to cause unfortunate anxiety to the supreme power by the inappropriate direction of their thoughts and the desire to judge things that, according to the latter, should not have been included in the circle of permitted scientific subjects. In the 19th century, with all our well-known domestic groveling, universities became a constant source of growing government anxiety, sowers of confusion and dissent. Could Peter the Great have foreseen that by issuing a decree on the establishment of an academic university, he thereby laid the foundation for an institution in which freethinking and state sedition would find refuge, and students, together with professors, would, in addition to being charged with their social and cultural function, also spokesman for public protest.

Likewise, perhaps in an even more complex and incomprehensible form for those ignorant of the intricacies of ideological processes, things developed with the philosophical faculties. In the epoch of Nicholas, tired of fighting harmful deviations (from the officially established and state-consistent principles) seen in the lectures and books of professors of philosophical faculties, the government decided to close them, and to assign the reading of the necessary philosophical courses at universities only to persons of the clergy. If we take into account that the philosophical sciences did not flourish at all in the theological academies of Russia at that time, and the academies themselves were far from being the beacons of knowledge, then the bad consequences of such a decision are not at all difficult to imagine.

It was during the period under review that a faculty system of teaching was formed in Russia, in which students are divided into several streams progressively specializing in their training. No less important is the transition to the annual graduation of students from the university that took place at the same time. The faculty system of education and the transition to the regular graduation of students had a decisive influence on the formation of "scientific" professions. Established by the mid-1830s - early 1840s. the system turned out to be quite conservative and lasted with minor changes until the post-revolutionary transformations until the 20th century. The socio-psychological portrayal of students also includes the study (as far as sources allow) of their spiritual mood: depressions, suicidal impulses, outbursts of collective indignation, mass enthusiasm. The spiritual and spiritual world of Russian students was expressed in relation to the "personal God" (faith and unbelief), to women's and national equality (in the academic and in the general civil sense). In these aspects of worldview, the universal human and civil structure of the inner world of the young Russian intelligentsia of the late 19th and early 20th centuries is especially clearly manifested.

CHAPTER 2. RUSSIAN STUDENTS: LIFE WORLD

2.1 Social status of students

In social terms, higher education plays the role of an "elevator" - at the end of the 19th century in Russia, thank God, this elevator already appeared, it still works, and there is no need to turn a blind eye to its rude true nature. A.E. Ivanov calls the students of the turn of the century a marginal group - but marginality in itself is a way out of the former state that did not satisfy you. Aspiring to become a student strives for a better life - if not for the sake of future earnings, even if for the sake of belonging to a "subculture".

As for the motivation and the problem of access to the elevator, we can say that the "classics" were not sweet either - those who wanted to enter technical, commercial or agricultural universities (and this was the first era of engineers!) took them with a fight. "Realists", however, who wanted to enter the university, had not only to pass entrance exams, but to report for the entire course of the gymnasium, that is, primarily for the unknown Latin and Greek. Why, in turn, the medical faculties of universities suffered - the work of a doctor for a graduate of a gymnasium was often too dirty. The smallest number of students was in the historical and philological faculties - at the thought of continuing to study Greek, a grimace of disgust ran through the faces of the gymnasium students. All this wealth of choice, however, existed only for those who managed to enter and graduate from secondary schools. Genuine outcasts, to which, unfortunately, we no longer belong, always leave the race earlier.

During this period, for the first time, student communes (Vulfovka, Smargon Academy, Leshtukovka) and circles of Tchaikovsky, Ishutin, Natanson spread massively. A certain subculture of youth is being formed with its own style of behavior, manner of dressing, the value system of which does not accept the traditional attitudes of the Russian Empire. The representative of "underground Russia" is most often a student of junior courses in natural faculties, a raznochinets, a native of the provinces, a poor, necessarily an atheist, independently studies Western rationalist philosophy and modern natural science, in connection with which he will soon abandon his studies at the university and devote his life to the people, perhaps will be arrested and sent into exile. Our task is to consider a number of socio-cultural factors that gave rise to this type.

The needs of post-reform Russia in highly qualified specialists led to reforms in the field of education, which manifested itself in an increase in the number of higher, secondary, primary educational institutions, in an increased number of raznochintsy students. Gradually, the everyday, psychological, mental traits of a commoner became typical of the students of the post-reform era. The increase in the number of raznochintsy could not but affect the appearance of student youth. Being a social stratum that had lost its roots (traditional occupation, place of residence), raznochinstvo was an example of "cultural outcasts", devoid of any traditions and finding themselves in unnatural living conditions. Indicative in this regard is the analysis of the formation of the worldview of the raznochintsy, conducted by V.V. Vorovsky, who examined Bazarov, the hero of the novel by I.S. Turgenev - as a typical representative of this era. Comparing the worldview of the nihilist with the worldview of the "fathers" - the Kirsanovs, the publicist comes to the conclusion that the "fathers" were the offspring of the "protective" traditions of education, with which they were given a legacy that comes from the depths of centuries, "the Bazarovs were the offspring of the last decades." Bazarov, as a typical commoner who left his environment in pursuit of knowledge, has "no tradition transmitted through education, they had no education at all. Therefore, they became utilitarians and rationalists. Thought began to seem like a resolving force." Here we also mention Pisarev's formulation in relation to these people - "mental proletariat" - that is, a group of people who have nothing but their knowledge and, therefore, easily accept ideas about the need for a socialist reorganization of the world. Let us quote S.M. Stepnyak-Kravchinsky: "Russian universities and gymnasiums - the centers of the most stormy and passionate political life in the early seventies were strongly influenced by the revolutionary movement, for the students mostly belonged to the families of small-scale nobles and the lower clergy, and both are poor."

Let's take into account the fact that a significant part of the students of the capital's universities came from the provinces, who had neither acquaintances nor friends in Moscow or St. Petersburg. V.R.Leikina-Svirskaya in her work "Intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the nineteenth century" gives the following data: in 1877-1878, out of 1418 students of St. Petersburg University, only 427 people were educated in the St. Petersburg educational district. In Moscow, out of 1,568 students, only 925 studied in Moscow secondary schools. This is one of the factors that gave rise to student communities, where revolutionary ideas, for example, fraternities, quickly found recognition. Particular attention should be paid to self-education circles, many of which compensated for the lack of family communication, so Natanson's circle set as its goal "moral help" to visiting students and involving them in their community in order not to let them "die and die out due to loneliness." Most often, the circles had their own library, where the whole range of literature was presented, the knowledge of which is necessary for a young man who decided to sacrifice his life to the people. From the first year, students got into these communities, quickly assimilating the norms of the subculture. Fiction served as a kind of code in the studied communities, because more than one generation of revolutionaries began their political activity, first of all with acquaintance with it. A fairly certain circle of reading formed the aesthetic tastes and needs of the younger generation, their value world. Here is an excerpt from a letter sent to Mikhailovsky on the occasion of his anniversary: ​​Not reflections on the injustice of the regime, but literary impressions often acted as the initial stimuli for the struggle.

Thus, we can say that the reforms of the sixties led to fundamental changes in the social structure of society, the emergence of diversity, the availability of higher education even to representatives of the taxable estates gave rise to the type of "cultural marginal", whose consciousness turned out to be most responsive to the ideas of socialism and revolution.

In the socio-demographic group of Russian students, it is necessary to single out such a group as students who have gone to study abroad.

Fyodor Stepun in his book of memoirs "Former and Unfulfilled" wrote about three groups of Russian students. Firstly, it was Jewish youth, still deprived of the right to receive higher education in Russia, but already having the right to leave Russia to study abroad. The second group included young people who, for other reasons, did not have the right to enter universities in Russia: for this then it was imperative to finish the gymnasium, and realists or graduates of all kinds of schools required additional exams. In the then Germany, this was easier. As breakouts from a more stagnant to a more liberal environment, the students of both groups not only shared the ideas of Russia's social reorganization, but began to develop these mainly socialist ideas in Europe.

Ideas that were subsequently transferred to Russia and found fertile soil in it. Stepun wrote about it this way: “It is not easy for people of my generation to establish a fair attitude towards Russia on the eve of the revolution. We can only say with certainty that the time between the revolution of 1905 and the war of 1914 will go down in history, on the one hand, the sometimes genuine flourishing and deepening of Russian culture, and on the other hand, the sometimes obviously unhealthy, full of poisonous temptations, refinement of Russian intellectual spirituality. It was not easy for a young man at that time to internally cope with the wealth of ideas advancing on him. The Russian socialist parties carried on regular revolutionary work abroad. The center of the Russian party students was the Heidelberg reading room.

Special mention should be made of this reading room. It was founded by Russian students in the middle of the 19th century, in 1861, later it was called "Pirogovskaya". Not only all the publications of the then Russian abroad were collected here, but also the funds for which Nikolai Ivanovich Pirogov gathered in Italy and performed the operation on Giuseppe Garibaldi. The leaders of the reading room were the Bakst brothers, one of whom, Vladimir, was introduced by Turgenev in Smoke. The inhabitants of the "Pirogov reading room" did not favor the author of "Fathers and Sons". Their hero was Herzen. If the Russian student Heidelberg could seem like a real kitchen of pernicious socialism by the First World War, it is precisely because for several decades this place was a refuge for active youth pushed out of Russia. The historian and politician Sergei Grigoryevich Svatikov wrote about this era. But let's listen to what Fyodor Stepun writes about the third group of Russian students in Heidelberg at the beginning of the century.

The revolutionary nature of the era had, of course, its reverse side: some worthlessness of ordinary representatives of the conservative camp. I remember that in the course of one or two semesters, only occasionally entering the University, a warm company of noble and dignitary youth noisily rejoiced in Heidelberg. Of course, this company did not communicate with the reading room, but even with us, academic intellectuals, they approached with caution and analysis.

Here Stepun stumbles on Germanism: academicians in Germany are not a title, but only a designation of involvement in the learned class. But let's listen to what Stepun says about the nobility and dignitary youth, or the third group of Russian students relatively loyal to the Russian state.

“This company, of course, was not involved in politics. She did not show intellectual interest in illegal Russia and underground literature, as if revolutionary axes were honed against her in the reading room. She had fun not only noisily, but also with a twist, with those whims that could never have occurred to corporate students. The idea of ​​taking a half-naked dead drunk comrade outside at two in the morning and moving in a funeral procession to the station with a bucket of cold water to resurrect the dead man was a monstrous excess of student jokes traditional in Germany. Accustomed to cat concerts under the windows of sleeping burghers, to extinguishing lanterns or climbing monuments, the cozy Heidelberg Schutzmanns decided at first that this was not fun, but real murder.

It must be admitted that it was not at all the policemen and not only the conservative burghers who reacted with hostility to conspicuous and noisy foreigners. Before the outbreak of the First World War, students from Russia at various universities in Germany made up from a third to a half of all foreign students in general. Unlike Russian emigre students and semi-emigres, the German students of the beginning of the century were conservative. Most were united in corporations, i.e. men's unions, which had very broad powers within the framework of university autonomy. German student corporations demanded in the late 19th and early 20th centuries to put barriers for students from Russia. In the northeast of Germany, in Prussia, students from Russia were subjected to more discrimination than in the south, for example, in Heidelberg. In some universities, foreign students were not allowed to take the front rows in the classrooms: those were reserved for the Germans. "Slavs", "Russians" or "Czechs", as students from the east were collectively called, were accused of "non-student, impolite behavior". Since the majority in the Russian colonies were Jewish students, the anti-Semitic element in the xenophobia of the German students before the First World War had room to develop. In the memoirs of Georg Grosser, a Russian German who went to study in Germany, excerpts are given from the complaints of corporants against their comrades from Russia:

We can't stand the Russians, they bring down the university with its aristocratic tradition from a high pedestal and seek to bring it closer to the dirty representatives of the working-class districts. They walk dirty, like workers returning from factories, and they are friends with the latter, as if they were laborers themselves, and not students ... (“they are almost all ... socialists, and therefore our enemies”)

This is how the Russian German Georg Grosser wrote about the attitude of German student corporations to the influx of students from Russia.

2.2 Students in the social and political life of Russia in the late XIX - early XX centuries.

The first conflict arose because of police brutality against students of St. Petersburg University. The students demanded inviolability of the person, the publication of all measures concerning them, the repeal of the old law on conscription of expelled students into the army. The rector of the university told them that "birds of paradise, who are given everything they ask, do not live in our climate." Students staged a demonstration near the Kazan Cathedral. They were supported by their strike of 25,000 workers. The university was closed, all students were expelled. After the opening of the university, 2181 students out of 2425 were accepted back.

Nicholas II denounced the students, saying that they should study, not demonstrate. The fermentation did not subside and on January 14, 1901, former student Karpovich P.V. assassinated the Minister of Education Prof. Bogolepova N.P. This senseless crime, enthusiastically received by the students, opened a series of terrorist acts by the revolutionary forces and the government's response. After these events, a significant part of the students became in opposition to the tsarist regime. In 1902, an underground student congress took place with fierce discussions between the Socialist-Revolutionaries and liberals. A small part of extremist students went into terror, into the militant organization of the Socialist-Revolutionaries. After 5 years, in the university cities of the Jewish Pale of Settlement - Kyiv, Odessa, Nizhyn, Jewish students became the main explosive force. In the revolutionary turmoil of these cities, especially after the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, they took an active part, being, as the rightists claimed, its "backbone". Great ideas, including socialist ones, spread in a transnational way, like religious, pacifist, feminist and other movements.

At the beginning of the 20th century, students became the main class, which was dissatisfied with the situation in the country. Of course, the marginal strata of society experienced the greatest oppression, but it was the students who were the accumulator of social unrest, it was among its most intellectual part that Marxist sentiments, thoughts about the coming revolution, a total change in society, went. I think that anyone will agree that the workers were hardly familiar with the philosophical and political views of both domestic and Western thinkers. And only among students and intellectuals they had huge popularity.

2.3 Material and living conditions of students in Russia at the end of the 19th century.

Student life of that time deserves special attention.

Student and work is not a new topic for Russia. She occupied a prominent place in the fiction of the past: half-poor, half-starved, always looking for a place as a tutor or tutor, living from water to bread - this is how a typical student of the second half of the 19th century appears before us. A student of St. Petersburg University Raskolnikov, a non-resident, "from the nobility", who came from a small town R-th province, "he was so poorly dressed that another, even a familiar person, would be ashamed to go out into the street in such rags during the day" Raskolnikov's student life was provided by money transfers from his mother (his mother allocated 15 rubles from her pension of 120 rubles, and even then irregularly) and lessons. Such is his friend, student Razumikhin, who earns money for teaching by lessons or translations from foreign languages. As long as there were lessons, Raskolnikov "somehow, but made his way", avoiding turning to moneylenders, although pawnshops and usury offices, where you could pawn and re-pawn some personal items, up to your own clothes, served as a help to students in difficult minutes. However, by the time the crime was committed, Raskolnikov had already left the university for several months, "for lack of something to support himself, and his lessons and other means ceased," despite the fact that he studied diligently and surpassed many of his classmates in knowledge (for a while, Razumikhin also left teaching the same reason). The murder of the usurer Alena Ivanovna Raskolnikov is largely driven by the lack of means of subsistence. It could be assumed that such a deplorable financial situation of a student, described by Dostoevsky, is a marginal and extreme phenomenon. However, turning to the tetralogy of N.G. Garin-Mikhailovsky, which Gorky called "the whole epic of Russian life", we find in the third and fourth parts ("Students" and "Engineers") almost the same picture. For most students, in addition to parental money, the main sources of livelihood were tutoring, tutoring, private lessons, translations, work as a copyist. Most of these activities had nothing to do with the professions that students studied at the institutes.

This means that this work helped young people in mastering their future profession, it is not necessary to speak. Rather, students used for survival the cultural resources they inherited from their families or acquired while studying at the gymnasiums. The limited nature of the student labor market was partly determined by the negative attitude towards physical labor. Students of that era - most often come from a noble environment, which, despite the often encountered material insolvency, retained class prejudices: these young people could hardly imagine themselves doing hard physical work like loading and unloading.

In the fundamental work of A.E. Ivanov, the "art of survival" of pre-revolutionary Russian students is considered in detail and comprehensively. After analyzing a huge number of statistical and historical documents, the author comes to the conclusion that in addition to parental assistance and state loans and subsidies, welfare societies and cooperative student organizations, students' own earnings constituted a significant part of their budget revenues.

"A significant proportion of students worked (permanently, temporarily, occasionally), and not only during the educational process, but also during the summer vacation." At the same time, already at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. "an ominous companion of student everyday life" was unemployment.

Most often, poor students could not get a profitable place. An almost insoluble task for them was to find such an income that would not take away a large number time and provided a living wage. "Our comrades are strenuously knocking on the thresholds of the editorial offices of newspapers, all kinds of bureaus and offices in pursuit of earnings, but usually they do not find work here," a student of the University of St. Vladimir in Kiev wrote in 1903 to the editorial office of the Kiev News newspaper. It was difficult for needy students to get around their "more affluent colleagues with good acquaintances" and, therefore, appropriate recommendations, who lived in the best urban areas of the city, decently dressed. In Moscow, according to P. Ivanov, employers avoided dealing with those who lived in the "student camp" (Bronny or "Zhivoderka", Georgians). The inhabitants of the dormitory for poor students - the notorious "Lyapinka" and the cereal "Girsha", as well as tenement houses on Bronnaya, which were the realm of hostesses-renters who lived at the expense of tenants - mostly students, were especially hostile. As a rule, the latter hid the place of residence that compromised them. The topic of secondary employment of students practically disappears in the post-revolutionary, Soviet period. Numerous works are devoted to the problems of youth health and communist education, the value orientations of Soviet students and the problems of their socialization are studied. The complete absence of research into the material and everyday existence of students leads to the idea that politics Soviet power in the field of higher education has solved all these problems. This theme is not reflected in the literature of that period. In this regard, the story of Yuri Trifonov is symptomatic, which describes the life and studies of students of the Literary Institute in the very first post-war years. Most of the characters in the novel are former veterans. They are passionate about studies, social, Komsomol activities, work in a student scientific society, establish ties with the working class, expose hostile, ideologically alien elements among students and teachers, experience love affairs. ... There are practically no problems of life support for students, "base questions" of earning money. Material differentiation among students and, accordingly, the problems associated with it are indicated only by hints. At the same time, as a rule, "negative" heroes are clearly better off than "positive" ones. So, the negative hero Sergei - a talented egoist - walks, "putting his hands into the deep pockets of his spacious furry coat", and Lagutenko, a front-line soldier, wears a "shabby overcoat" ... It is clear that enjoying the first years of peacetime, post-war asceticism brought the problems of material prosperity far beyond framework of truly important and interesting aspects of peaceful life. However, the memories of former students of different Soviet generations reveal a more diverse reality to us. To earn a living in addition to the scholarship had to almost everyone who did not belong to the wealthy strata, who came to the university centers from the provinces. Material deprivation, self-restraint, often the same as those of their predecessors from pre-revolutionary times, life from hand to mouth was their everyday life. The problems of housing and clothing were no less acute than before. Of course, the market for applying student labor has gradually expanded. This happened not only in connection with the growth of production and the development of scientific and technological progress. It should also be taken into account that the new social strata, drawn into the sphere of higher education, no longer shunned unskilled, physical labor. Thus, the loading and unloading of wagons becomes one of the most common types of earnings among young students of the post-war years. Usually they worked at night, unloading wagons with coal and building materials, and in the summer also with vegetables and fruits. Former students they recall how, with the money they earned, they "took girls to cocktail bars, making up for lost time due to the war." Girls - this historically relatively new category for higher education - worked much less frequently. Their budget consisted of scholarships and parental money.

With the beginning of the campaign for the development of virgin lands, new forms of earnings appeared in the famous student construction teams. During the summer holidays, students also participated in the harvest in the south, in geological or archaeological expeditions. More exotic are such types of episodic earnings mentioned in the stories of former students as donating blood, playing preference for money with wealthy clients (this was especially common in universities of a mathematical profile), participating as test subjects in various medical and psychological experiments. Those who owned musical instruments played in jazz ensembles; many worked as night watchmen, orderlies, and stokers. In an era of total shortages, students, especially language universities, did not disdain speculation either ... Qualified work that coincided with the specialty being studied was more accessible to students of prestigious, metropolitan, in particular, humanitarian, language universities, and faculties of Moscow State University. They made money by translations, journalism, near-literary forms of activity (reporting for the press or radio, covering student life, and so on.).

The prevalence of employment among students depended on the profile and status of the university. So, in MVTU them. Bauman students rarely worked.

Student holidays are a special tradition. The traditions of Russian student revelry had already developed at the beginning of the 19th century. Unlike other "feasts", they were distinguished by love of freedom, some kind of special patriotism and all-consuming brotherhood. There is no specific celebration ritual. Every year something new. Generations are changing, and with them comes a new understanding of student holidays.

A.P. Chekhov, in one of his early feuilletons of 1885, wrote about the Moscow student holiday: “Everything was drunk this year, except for the Moskva River, and this was due to the fact that it froze ... It was so fun that one studious from an excess of feelings was bathed in a reservoir where the sterlets swim…"

In 1918, the university church was closed, and a reading room was set up in it. Holidays "in honor of the academic goddess" Tatiana have been stopped. In 1923, "Archaic and meaningless Tatyana" was noticed in the directive order by the Day of the proletarian students. However, it was not possible to completely eradicate the memory of the old student holiday. In the post-war years, Moscow students resumed, of course, in home companies, the celebration of Tatiana's Day. In the 1990s, along with the return of some customs canceled by the revolution, Tatyana's day returned. At Moscow University, they began to celebrate it officially, and the rector congratulated the students with a glass of champagne in his hand. In 1993, the premises where the university church was located were handed over to the Patriarchate, and everything fell into place again. More recently, a new tradition has emerged: protests - as many newspapers note, in our time this event can be equated with a student holiday.

Although the first universities appeared in Russia in the 18th century, students as a special social group developed only in the second half of the 19th century. As we know, raznochintsy students were almost entirely democratic. Dobrolyubov and Chernyshevsky became their idols, their ideology was populism. Then it was fashionable to read "What to do?" and be a materialist. Perhaps the first protest was organized by students of St. Petersburg, Moscow and Kyiv in March 1861, a memorial service for the Poles demonstrators killed by the tsarist troops in Warsaw. "In the winter of 1899, the first all-Russian student strike took place, which then began to be held regularly."

Meanwhile, one of the factors influencing the formation of the spiritual and psychological image of Russian students was the theater. Theater in Russia, especially in Russia at the end of the 19th century, especially the capital's theater played a huge cultural, educational and socio-political role. The connection of Moscow University with the theatrical life of Moscow had a long and solid foundation. Suffice it to recall that the very emergence of the Moscow public theater was due precisely to the university, or rather, the university student theater, one of the founders of which was the famous Russian writer, an outstanding university figure M.M. Kheraskov. Over the years, this connection, consecrated by traditions, only became more multifaceted and stronger. Moscow University, on the one hand, and Moscow theaters, on the other, are firmly woven into the cultural fabric of the capital, turning over time into public, cultural and educational centers, by the very nature of their activities and traditionally closely related to each other.

The influence of the theatrical life of Moscow on the formation of the spiritual and psychological image of students of Moscow University. The problem itself breaks down into a number of sub-problems. Because in the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. theaters played both a cultural and educational and a socio-political role in the life of Russian society; accordingly, their influence on the public was both cultural and educational and socio-political in nature. If we talk about Moscow students, then, along with all of the above, a huge role was played by charity theaters, as well as personal contacts of theatrical figures with students of Moscow University. The influence of the theater on the students of Moscow University, of course, was not one-sided. Students constituted one of the most numerous, and, most importantly, the most active part of the theater audience. Accordingly, the repertoire of theaters, and the manner of performance, and the very nature of relations with society were largely determined precisely by the needs of students. The question of the personal ties of a number of theatrical figures with Moscow University deserves special consideration. It is known that many outstanding actors, singers, composers, directors either received a university education or took an active part in the public life of Moscow University (in charity events, in scientific, educational and cultural societies at the university, etc.).

Thus, the following conclusions can be drawn:

The theatrical life of Moscow had a huge impact on the formation of the spiritual and psychological image of the students of Moscow University. At the turn of the 19th-20th centuries. this influence can be fully and above all called a revolutionary factor in the spiritual history of Russian students. Both the repertoire of Moscow theatres, and their socio-political, and even cultural and educational activities (attempts to appeal to the masses, met with a decisive rebuff from the autocracy) contributed to the growth of opposition sentiments among the students.

Students, being, firstly, the largest and most active part of the theatrical public, and, secondly, a force very influential in wide circles of the Russian intelligentsia, in turn most directly influenced the repertoire policy of Moscow theaters and the character public behavior theatrical figures.

The connections of Moscow University with the capital's theaters were not limited

formal and informal relationships in the field of cultural, educational and socio-political activities. For many theatrical figures, Moscow University was in the full sense of the alma mater, and, at the same time, for many students of Moscow University, the theater became a place for further application of their talent, vitality and energy.

As for the relationship of students with professors, you can learn about this by example from the Kazan Telegraph, 1900 .

“The number of students at Kazan University by January 1, 1900 was 823 students and 75 regular students. According to the faculties, they were distributed as follows: in the historical and philological - 37 people, in the physical and mathematical sciences - 179 (in the category of mathematical sciences - 60 and in the category of natural sciences - 19), in the legal - 164, and in the medical - 443 people.

During 1899, 169 students enjoyed the right to listen to lectures free of charge, which is 15.5% of the total number of students.

Holiday dinner

On November 1900, on the day of the founding of the Imperial Kazan University, its former students gathered in St. Petersburg for a friendly dinner at Donon's restaurant. About 20 persons participated in the dinner. Among those present at the dinner were: Senator N.P. Smirnov, the oldest student (class of 1846) V.V. Pashutin, N.A. Kremlev - former rector of Kazan University, prof. V.A. Lebedev, S.K. Bulich, S.F. Glinka, A.F. Elachich and others. A telegram was sent to the rector of Kazan University: "Former students of Kazan University, having gathered at a friendly dinner at the turn of two centuries, drink for the further prosperity of their native university and express confidence that and in the twentieth century, his pupils will continue to add their names to the ranks of the luminaries of science and honest figures in all fields of public life of the dear Fatherland.

Professors, closer to students!

In order to establish a possible rapprochement between professors and students and more correct setting university teaching, attention is paid to strengthening practical training in all faculties and the formation of student, scientific and literary circles is allowed; but the most expedient measure for establishing the desired communication between professors and students is the arrangement of properly arranged student dormitories, for which, by the Highest command, 3,262,000 rubles were allocated from the amount of the State Treasury.

Fashion (democratic and aristocratic) played its essential role in the public presentation of the students.

A special place in the everyday culture of the students belonged to the so-called "sexual question". With all its mysteries and dangers, it was vigorously discussed in Russian society, especially after the first Russian revolution. The sphere of the subculture of the young intelligentsia also included its attitude towards marriage (church and civil), family life and childbearing.

CONCLUSION

If we give a generalized description of the students of the late 19th century, we can draw the following conclusions:

-Students were a new social group in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. We must pay tribute to the tsarist government, which supported the desire to study at the universities of young people from different social strata.

-It was during the period under review that a faculty system of teaching was formed in Russia, in which students are divided into several streams progressively specializing in their training. No less important is the transition to the annual graduation of students from the university that took place at the same time. The faculty system of education and the transition to the regular graduation of students had a decisive influence on the formation of "scientific" professions.

-The most specific attraction of the intellectual life of a pre-revolutionary student can be considered the presence in it of a constant "academic" component or educational everyday life: his participation in the educational process, the reasons and motives for missing classes, violations of the internal regulations of the educational institution, forms of responsibility for this, communication with professors (at lectures , in classroom and home-based (with professors) seminars, during informal conversations with them and home journalism, etc.), their rating in the student environment (scientific-pedagogical, personal, civil); relationships with the educational administration, the staff of the lower ministers.

-A significant part of student everyday life was devoted to leisure (intellectual and entertaining), which took place in scientific and cultural circles, reading scientific, artistic, socio-political literature, periodicals (in libraries and at home), included visits to theaters and all kinds of theatrical entertainment (cafes - chantan, operetta, etc.), cinematography, art exhibitions, organization of charity performances, concerts, musical evenings, activities of student orchestras and choirs. Leisure activities included compatriot "parties", gambling, and drinking wine. Holidays are the culmination of student entertainment, and the most important of them is the annual act of each higher educational institution.

-one of the factors that influenced the formation of the spiritual and psychological image of the Russian students were theater and literature

-The characteristic socio-psychological features of its community gave a specific color to the everyday life of students. They were expressed in the structure and situations of comradely communication, in its priorities and status systems (material wealth, class origin, intelligence, quality of study, outlook, leadership, physical development), in the unwritten code of student honor (and the activities of courts of honor), in morals and customs prevailing in the student community.

-students at the turn of the 19th - 20th centuries was one of the most politically active social groups in Russian society, many political events are associated with the students of that time, it was a force that both the tsarist authorities and later the Soviet authorities considered

-the material and living conditions of the students depended on their origin, the position of their parents and / or the ability to find a good job, scholarships were enough to pay for housing for visiting students and for a minimum subsistence For most students, in addition to parental money, the main sources of livelihood there were tutoring, tutoring, private lessons, translations, work as a copyist. Most of these activities had nothing to do with the professions that students studied at the institutes. This means that this work helped young people in mastering their future profession, it is not necessary to speak. Rather, students used for survival the cultural resources they inherited from their families or acquired while studying at the gymnasiums. The limited nature of the student labor market was partly determined by the negative attitude towards physical labor. Students of that era - most often come from a noble environment, which, despite the often encountered financial insolvency, retained class prejudices: these young people could hardly imagine themselves doing hard physical work.

-a special group in the student body of that time was female students; it was much more difficult for a girl to enter a university than for a boy;

-socially, higher education plays the role of an "elevator" - at the end of the 19th century, this elevator already appeared in Russia

-the future of students depended rather not on academic success, but on their social status, origin, on the generosity of their parents, i.e., higher education remained the privilege of the upper classes of Russian society. Children from wealthy families who graduated from high school were sent to the authorities in this way. closing access there for students from the lower strata of society, while maintaining class differentiation.

Thus, the students at the end of the 19th century represented an established independent and rather influential socio-demographic group in Russian society.

LIST OF SOURCES AND LITERATURE

1. Alekseev V.M. Student at the turn of the century. From my student memories (1898-1902) // Science of the East. M., 1982.

2. Vorovsky V.V. Bazarov and Sanin. Two nihilisms. Articles about Russian literature M., 1987. P.159.

Vydrin R. The main moments of the student movement in Russia. M., 1908. P. 14).

Ganelin Sh.I. Essays on the history of education in Russia in the second half of the 19th century. Gymnasium and the educational process in it. L., 1947.

Gessen S. Student movement in the early 60s. M., 1932.

Elfimova N.V. Social help students in pre-revolutionary Russia // Russian Journal social work. 1995. No. 2. S. 36-38.

Zmeev V.A. The evolution of higher education in the Russian Empire. M., 1998.

Ivanov A.E. Higher school of Russia in the late XIX - early XX century. M., 1991.

Ivanov A.E. For the right to be a student // Questions of history. 1973. No. 1.

Ivanov A.E. Students of Russia in the late 19th - early 20th century: socio-historical fate. M., 1999.

Ivanov P. Students in Moscow. Gen. Morals. Types (Essays). M., 1903.

Imperial Moscow University: 1755-1917: Encyclopedic Dictionary / comp. A.Yu. Andreev, D.A. Tsygankov. M.: 2010.

Konstantinov N.A. Essays on history high school(gymnasiums, real schools from the end of the 19th century to February Revolution 1917). M., 1947.

Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. Intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the nineteenth century. M., 1978. P.27.

Deutsche Welle radio: Russian Service: Historical Magazine Pages of History 03.04.01.

Overview of the activities of the department of the Ministry of Public Education during the reign of Emperor Alexander III. St. Petersburg, 1901.

Svatikov S.G. Russian students before and now // The path of students. M., 1916.

Solomonov V.A. On the participation of Moscow students in the first All-Russian student strike in 1899 // Bulletin of Moscow State University. Series 8: History. 1994. No. 2.

Tkachenko P.S. Moscow students in the social and political life of Russia in the second half of the 19th century. M.: Publishing House of Moscow University, 1958. - 336 p.

Commentary of scientific adviser Marina Fadeeva, Dr. historical sciences, Professor, Dean of the Faculty of History, National Research University Higher School of Economics Alexander Kamensky

IN mass consciousness a Russian student of the late 19th and early 20th centuries usually appears as an eternally hungry consumptive youth with a feverish gleam in his eyes and with a soul filled with the most benevolent revolutionary impulses. However, one has only to seriously think about how, even without resorting to specialized literature, it becomes clear that, like many other stilted images that make up mass ideas about the past, this one also does not stand up to criticism. Indeed, if all Russian students of that era were dying of consumption and were preoccupied not with their studies, but only with plans to fight the autocracy, in Russia at the beginning of the last century there would not have been brilliant scientists, engineers, lawyers, doctors and people of all other professions who were trained Russian universities. Yes, and during revolutionary upheavals And civil war For some reason, the Russian students turned out to be by no means on the side of the Bolsheviks.

The organization of higher education in tsarist Russia, the university as a scientific corporation and many other topics related to this issue, of course, it is no coincidence that they have recently become one of the most noticeable areas. historical research. What today is often called a crisis in national education and science has deep and by no means only economic roots. Researchers are concerned about the problems of organization of the scientific community, its structure, system internal relations, norms of scientific ethics. In this context, Marina Fadeeva's appeal to the history of Russian students seems quite logical and natural. However, as her supervisor, I dare say that she came to her completely independently. Having become a history student at the Higher School of Economics herself, she, apparently, and perhaps even without realizing it herself, experienced curiosity about the phenomenon of students, which, ultimately, led her to this topic. Curiosity, as is well known, is the main driving force of science. Having once begun to study Russian students a hundred years ago, Marina, of course, discovered many far-from-resolved issues in this topic and was seriously carried away by it.

The history of Russian pre-revolutionary students is provided, though not too voluminous, but quite representative historiography. In particular, in recent decades, a significant contribution to it has been made by several monographs by A.E. Ivanov, who is rightly considered the best expert on this topic. The work of Marina Fadeeva, however, once again proves that in science there are no “closed” topics once and for all, and each new generation of historians asks the past new questions and receives new answers to them.

Marina Fadeeva, as a researcher who is just starting her career in science and belongs to the youngest generation of Russian historians, is distinguished at the same time by respect for her predecessors, whose works she actively uses, and a healthy distrust of everything she finds in them, the desire to double-check every "historical fact, to document it. Presented here course work bears little resemblance to an ordinary student term paper, significantly surpassing it not only in volume (more than 120 pages!), but also in the variety of subjects covered in it and the methods used. Not to mention the fact that in the coursework written in the second year you will not often find references to archival sources! Another distinguishing feature of the presented work is its consistency.

The author began with an attempt to understand what students are as a social group, what place they occupied in Russian society, what distinctive characteristics were provided by his contemporaries and subsequent historiography, then moving on to its formal characteristics (number, social origin), and from them - to recreate reality Everyday life, which it is fair and in full accordance with the ideas modern science considers it as the basis for the formation of a worldview. To the reader, who is not too versed in the peculiarities of modern historical knowledge and expects to find, in the work with such a title, first of all, information about the number of students inspired by the works of Lavrov, Bakunin, Mikhailovsky and Marx, such an approach may seem strange, and the abundance of tables and other digital material and completely avert from careful reading. But as soon as you read it, you discover with pleasure how the next historical stereotypes begin to crumble. In addition, let's remember: we are only an intermediate stage on the way to big science, although not devoid of certain stylistic and compositional shortcomings, but representing a very serious and thorough application.

Formation of the worldview of the Moscow students of the end XIX - start XX century

1. The concepts of "raznochintsy", "intelligentsia»

The concept of "students", like any definition, cannot be unambiguous. The related concepts are just as diverse. The raznochintsy component of students in the understanding of contemporaries and the minds of researchers often overshadows other parts of the student body, many students are defined as young intelligentsia, and therefore, in our opinion, in anticipation of discussions about students, we should define what “raznochintsy” and “intelligentsia” are.

Pre-revolutionary historiography already understood the raznochinets in different ways: if B. Frommet defines the raznochintsy as “people without a family, without a tribe, sometimes associated with the lower ranks of the people, always cut off from all classes of society, with high hopes and without a penny in their pocket, with dreams of a marshal rod and without any social status ", then S. Svatikov, on the contrary, calls the main qualities of a raznochinets" a high understanding of the individual and a sharply expressed sense of self-worth ".

The definition of B. Frommett is similar to the ideas about raznochintsy that prevail in culture. As E. Wirtshafter writes, non-nobles and educated commoners were called raznochintsy - initially to belittle or condemn demeanor. For example, raznochintsy at A.N. Ostrovsky - these are half-educated students, non-nobles.

In Soviet historiography, the concept of "raznochintsy" is closely intertwined with the criterion of education. According to V.R. Leykina-Svirskaya, by the 19th century, “those who received a rank or title by the right of education began to be called raznochintsy”.

Modern researchers emphasize the fact that categories of the population that often fall under the criteria of raznochintsy did not use this term for self-determination. E. Wirtshafter also writes about the 19th century as a turning point in the definition of raznochintsy: originally a transitional category of ignoble strangers, they become part of the educated elite.

If by the period of interest to us, raznochintsy are often defined through the presence of higher education, then it will be interesting to look at how they correlate with the intelligentsia in the research literature.

Modern historiography pays attention to this issue. Researchers such as S.G. Stafeev, V.V. Bocharov, E.I. Shcherbakova and L.G. Sukhotin either distinguish "raznochintsy" as part of the intelligentsia, or identify these concepts. For example, L.G. Sukhotina writes about the intelligentsia as "raznochinny in terms of social composition."

There are many definitions of the intelligentsia in historiography, each of the authors strives to give his own, the most complete and accurate, but no one has succeeded in this endeavor. K.B. Sokolov, considering the established definitions of the intelligentsia, identifies three main criteria by which one or another part of society is singled out into a single group called "intelligentsia": an intellectual as a person with an appropriate level of education, or as a "good person", a valiant knight, "conscience people", educator, defender, or as a dissident.

Most of the definitions of the intelligentsia in the historiography we have examined can be divided into these three groups: V.V. Bocharov, B.I. Kolonitsky and V. Zhivov. Image " good man” basically fell in love with Soviet researchers (in their works, N.G. Chernyshevsky and N.A. Dobrolyubov formed intellectuals as people of the highest spiritual qualities), V.R. Leikina-Svirskaya, M.N. Tikhomirov and A.N. Maslinny. Both pre-revolutionary and modern authors believe in the "dissidence" of the intelligentsia. This is P.B. Struve, I.A. Ilyin , P.I Novgorodtsev , E.I. Shcherbakova , E. Wirtschafter , S.M. Usmanov and L.G. Sukhotin.

K.B. himself Sokolov criticizes all three common approaches. In his opinion, “there is no doubt that the intelligentsia is not just a category or not only a professional one. These are not just people of “intellectual labor”, but also, for example, representatives of the village intelligentsia, and therefore the first criterion is not suitable. The author proposes to represent the concepts of "intelligentsia" and "educated class" in the form of two concentric circles, then the intelligentsia is an internal initiative, creative circle.

Also, the intelligentsia is only in a fit of narcissism, according to K.B. Sokolova, could position herself as the "conscience of the people." In addition, the defined group itself never identified itself with the revolutionaries, and the revolution did not position its intelligence.

Thus, the selected criteria, according to K.B. Sokolov, are not true. However, he himself despairs of the possibility of ever once and for all ending the dispute about the intelligentsia and, it seems, comes to a certain agreement with the philologist V.S. Elistratov, who claims that anything can be found in the meaning of this word, but any definition will imply the best part of Russia.

What are the distinguishing features of the intelligentsia? Researchers of different generations and views single out in it detachment (V.M. Zhivov, P.B. Struve, E.I. Shcherbakova, P.I. Novgorodtsev), isolation, alienation (P.B. Struve, I.A. Ilyin , E. Wirtshafter, L.G. Sukhotina), radicalism (E.I. Shcherbakova, S.M. Usmanov), skepticism, criticality, nihilism (I.A. Ilyin, L.G. Sukhotina, E.I. Shcherbakova ).

“Beggars, unarmed people throw kings off the throne out of love for their neighbor. Out of love for the motherland, the soldiers trample on death with their feet, and she runs without looking back. Wise men ascend to heaven and dive into hell itself - out of love for the truth. The earth is being rebuilt out of love for beauty." The intelligentsia appeared to researchers to be just as versatile, and, perhaps, it was just as diverse in reality, not representing a homogeneous mass. We agree with K.B. Sokolov and, recognizing that “in general, it is already obvious that none of the known definitions of the intelligentsia is able to cover and explain the entire phenomenon as a whole” and we are talking about a concept that “does not have a clear detonation and includes an element of interpretation already when it is used ”, let us turn to the definition of students and highlighting the characteristic features of its Russian part.

2. Definition of students, its characteristics in Russian realities

Student - a student of a higher educational institution, university or academy.
V. Dahl. Explanatory Dictionary of the Living Great Russian Language

Students are considered as a special society that was formed around this educational institution and makes an independent contribution to public life.
Feofanov A.M. Students of Moscow University in the second half XVIII - first quarter XIX V.

As epigraphs for this part, we took two definitions of students: given in the Explanatory Dictionary of a contemporary of the period we are considering - V.I. Dahl and formulated in the work of a contemporary researcher. According to these statements, it is clear that over two centuries, ideas about the subject of interest to us have not undergone significant changes.

The research literature tends to oppose the student body and its characteristic features depending on the geography of study: they do not see much similarity in Russian and foreign students, except for the fact of receiving higher education. An exception is the position of B. Frommett, who at the beginning of the 20th century disputed the widespread contemporary statements to him, “as if only in Russia alone, studying youth dare to claim active participation in the political life of the country, [which] without any doubt, is wrong, or at least , greatly exaggerated."

Most researchers who have addressed this issue tend to oppose Russian students to foreign students. This tradition begins with pre-revolutionary authors. For example, G.B. Sliozberg sees the answer to the question of whether revolutionism is a specific feature of Russian students in “the difference in the composition of students”: in Europe, higher education was the lot of the elite, and therefore the material issue that played such a big role in the life of students in Russia did not stand there at all.

Our contemporaries V.V. Ponomarev and L.B. Khoroshilov, the explanation for such a significant difference is found in the very culture of universities. The Russian path “was a path opposite to the Western European one, where the experience, traditions, culture accumulated in society completely determined the lifestyle of educational institutions, but in our country it is in many respects the opposite - educational institutions created according to someone else's model themselves, sometimes by feel, created traditions, and culture, shaped the experience that decades later will form the basis of the traditions of the next generations of educational institutions.

Let us turn to questions closer to our topic and, on the basis of the censuses of Moscow (1882 and 1902), we will look at the share of students in the total mass of the Moscow population and at the quantitative changes taking place with this group. First, we present data that allow us to judge the percentage of the male population of the age we need (from 18 to 30 years old - the most common student age) to the entire mass of the population of Moscow, and then we correlate these men with the number of students.

Let's make a reservation in advance that we are interested in the age from 18 to 30 years and only students from the variety of all students, so in the tables we will provide only data on these ages and categories.

Table 1. Age distribution of the male population (1882) .

Age Husband. Total
15–20 7,00% 12,00%
20–25 8,00% 12,00%
25–30 7,00% 11,00%
Total 57,00% 100,00%

The table shows that out of the entire population of Moscow in 1882, we will be interested in 22% of men. We correlate them with the number of students.

Table 2. Distribution according to the degree of education of the male population (1882)

windows. Not OK. Total
Universities 2785 703 3488

So, in total, in 1882, 432,447 males lived in Moscow, of which 22% were men aged 18 to 30 years, i.e. 95,138 people. Of these, 3488 people were listed as students at the university. This means that 0.8% of men in Moscow were students in 1882.

Let us now look at the changes that had taken place by 1902.

Table 3. Age distribution of the male population (1902)

Age (years of age) born
In Moscow Outside Moscow Total
18 3148 15 374 18 522
19 2722 14 637 17 359
20 2524 16 025 18 549
21 2288 15 829 18 117
22 2180 17 723 19 903
23 2045 16 506 18 551
24 1937 15 037 16 974
25 2038 16 730 18 768
26 1992 14 754 16 746
27 2022 16 275 18 297
28 2079 16 332 18 411
29 1765 12 346 14 111
30 2080 16 725 18 805

According to these data, out of the entire population of Moscow in 1882, we will be interested in 38% of men. We correlate them with the number of students.

Table 4. Distribution according to the degree of education of the male population (1902)

Age (years of age) Total number [students in higher education] Universities
18 1742 173
19 1488 474
20 1430 800
21 1389 962
22 1146 902
23 969 776
24 719 602
25 536 418
26 324 250
27 197 145
28 101 59
29 58 35
30 or more 158 76
Total 43981 5690

In 1882, 613,303 males lived in Moscow, of which 38% were men aged 18 to 30, i.e. 233,113 people. Of these, 5690 people are listed as students at the university, which means that in 1902, 0.92% of men in Moscow were students.

Thus, over the 20 years from 1882 to 1902, the number of university students increased: from 3488 to 5690 people and grew from only 0.8% to 0.92%.

“What is the appearance of a Russian student? Undoubtedly, the Russian students were a group of youth imbued in the vast majority with the desire to develop principles for future activity - a group that had its own common features and was imbued with a special mood, ”wrote G.B. Sliozberg.

Based on the studied historiography, memoirs of students and professors, as well as information from official reports, we will try to determine these common features and highlight distinctive features Russian students.

There are no less disputes regarding the definition of students than in the case of the intelligentsia. So, according to S. Kassov, the students were distinguished by a "clear sense of corporate identity", as well as a "sense of a student family". According to A.M. Annenkov, “as a distinctive feature in the student environment of the first third of the 19th century. freedom of opinion and speech can be singled out, and G.B. Sliozberg - "the presence among students of heterogeneous, alien in upbringing and habits to elements" . V.R. Leikina-Svirskaya insists that "Russian students had a democratic character." “The expectations of beneficial changes in Russian society, typical for the students of that time [the end of the 19th - the beginning of the 20th century,” notes A.E. Ivanov. V.E. Baghdasaryan is sure that "the departure of students to the revolution was a manifestation of the crisis of youthful socialization." “Professors, as well as a significant part of the so-called educated society [in fact, the intelligentsia], educate the younger generation, in short, a revolutionary spirit,” Professor N.P. states with indignation. Bogolepov. “The growth of the student movement gave rise to a powerful impulse for self-knowledge among the students of universities,” writes Yu.D. Margolis, “as far as society is concerned, in this era the student’s blue band was a patent for trust,” emphasizes S. Svatikov.

From this variety of striking characteristics, it becomes clear only that the main features of the student body were its diversity and heterogeneity. What are the inalienable qualities of a Russian student of the late 19th - early 20th century?

We have formulated the following ten distinctive features: community and solidarity; the desire to develop ideals and norms of behavior; transition and heterogeneity; democracy; search for yourself; corporatism; own ideas about the future; state of political views; commitment to certain ideas and, finally, interaction with society.

The selected features of the students are understood differently by historiography and the authors of the sources: some are noted only by the authors of a certain era, others are accepted by the majority, many turn out to be controversial. Let's consider them sequentially.

Let us first turn to the features of the student body, understood in a similar way. All authors note, firstly, the desire of students for community and solidarity (information from the “Report of the Moscow University Commission of 1901 on the causes of student unrest”, works by S. Melgunov, S. Svatikov, S. Kassov, P.V. Grishunin, A .M. Feofanov and E. Vishlenkova, R. Galiullina, K. Ilyina). Secondly, their desire to develop ideals and norms of behavior that proclaimed freedom, morality, and ideological life as ideals is noted (information provided by S. Melgunov, “Report of the Judicial Commission for 1893/1894”, S. Svatikov, A.E. Ivanov, G.I. Shchetinina, S. Kassov and A.M. Annenkov). Thirdly, the transition and heterogeneity of the students, who came out of different social strata and at the university transformed into something, on the one hand, completely new, and on the other hand, retaining traces of the original estate and class affiliation (data from G.B. Sliozberg, V R. Leikina-Svirskaya, A. E. Ivanov, N. G. Georgieva, S. Kassova, V. N. Simonov and A. M. Feofanov). Fourthly, it is the democracy of students in various spheres of life (representations by S. Svatikov, V.R. Leikina-Svirskaya, A.E. Ivanov and N.G. Georgieva). And, fifthly, students' search for themselves (beliefs of S. Melgunov, B. Frommet, S. Kassov, Yu.D. Margolis and N.G. Zavadsky).

Other five features are controversial in the interpretation of researchers. This is, firstly, the corporatism of students, which most people call one of the main features of the student body (R. Vydrin, A.E. Ivanov, S. Kassov, O.A. Vakhterova, P.V. Grishunin, I.V. Zimin and E. Vishlenkova, R. Galiullina, K. Ilyin), while others, on the contrary, write about the destruction of corporatism by the charter of 1884 (information from the “Report of the Moscow University Commission of 1901 on the causes of student unrest” and S.I. Mitskevich). Secondly, their ideas about the future: uncertain (in the interpretation of G.B. Sliozberg and S. Kassov) and confidence in change (A.E. Ivanov). Thirdly, the state of political views is assessed by researchers in different ways. They were almost equally divided in their opinions: some speak of the uncertainty and heterogeneity of student ideas (R. Vydrin, A. Saltykov, V.B. Elyashevich, M.V. Sabashnikov, S. Kassov, V.N. Simonov and A.M. Annenkov), others write about political differentiation and activity (G.B. Sliozberg, V. Lind, G.A. Veselaya, A.E. Ivanov, S.I. Radtsig, N.G. Zavadsky, V.E. Baghdasaryan). Fourthly, the commitment of Russian students to certain ideas: we learn either about the inclination of students to liberal ideas (A. Saltykov and Yu.K. Rachkovskaya), or about their revolutionary worldview (N.I. Khudyakov, G.I. Shchetinina, S D. Speshkov and N. G. Zavadsky). And finally, fifthly, the interaction of students and society is also regarded ambiguously: if the majority tends to their mutual trust (Commission of the Moscow University of 1901 on the causes of student unrest, S.D. Speshkov, B. Frommet, V. Kurbsky, S. Svatikov, G.B. Sliozberg and A.S. Izgoev), then the rest write about students outside of society (S. Melgunov) or about society's distrust of students (in the submissions of the Judicial Commission [student]).

This is how the image of Russian students of the late 19th - early 20th century appears in the sources and works of researchers.

3. Correlation of the concepts of students, intelligentsia and raznochintsy

We have spoken above about the intelligentsia, its definitions and characteristic features, as well as the definition of Russian students and its inherent features. Now consider how these concepts are combined from the point of view of researchers from different eras.

Regardless of the time of creation of their works, various authors are unanimous in their assessments. S. Svatikov, G.B. Sliozberg , A. Saltykov , N.G. Georgiev, G.I. Shchetinina, N.G. Zavadsky and B.I. Kolonitsky.

Some researchers separately emphasize that the students were "the quintessence of the Russian intelligentsia." We find such statements, in particular, in the works of R. Vydrin, A.E. Ivanov and K.B. Sokolova.

Thus, we have shown how historiography assesses raznochintsy, the intelligentsia, and students, what characteristic features stand out in each case, and how these concepts are combined with each other. To understand the relationship between these three concepts and to understand the essence of the student body, we expressed this relationship with a diagram.

Scheme 1

Let us briefly explain the structure of the circuit. Let us first explain the inclusion of the intelligentsia in the educated population only as a part. This is explained by our agreement with the ideas of S.G. Stafeev, who defines the intelligentsia in such a way in Russian realities. He is convinced that “unlike Western intellectuals, for whom the main criterion for attributing them to this stratum was the professional occupation of mental labor, in Russia people began to be called intelligentsia, distinguished primarily by two characteristic features: the desire to selflessly serve the people, to express and protect its interests and irreconcilable opposition to political power. Thus, in Russian realities, along with the level of education, one of the main criteria for the intelligentsia is its opposition. Further, according to E.K. Wirtshafter, raznochintsy are fully included in the intelligentsia, tk. were its most radical part. As for the students, it seemed important to us to emphasize their heterogeneity not only in social terms, but also in terms of beliefs. After all, even the pre-revolutionary researcher S. Svatikov emphasized that "the hegemony of the intelligent commoner was so strong in the students that his appearance overshadowed other types of youth." Therefore, on the diagram, students are represented, on the one hand, as part of the intelligentsia and, accordingly, part of the raznochintsy, and on the other hand, as part of the educated population, i.e. holders of higher education loyal to the government.

4. The origins of the student body (XVIII- StartXIXcentury)

The chosen chronological framework of this work is the middle of the 19th - the beginning of the 20th century (1860–1904), therefore, the time preceding this period can be spoken of as the origins of students. On the basis of historiography, we will show how students were understood in the era of its inception, and look at the evolution within this process, so that later, when analyzing students of the period we have chosen, it would be possible to trace the causes and evolution of certain ideas of students and its perception by society, the authorities and the students themselves of the Moscow university.

Let us first follow the quantitative changes in the number of students.

Table 5. Changes in the number of students in Russia (1808–1894)

Year Number of students, pers.
1808 150
1830 1996
1850 3368
1860 5453
1865 5453
1872 7251
1894 8193

Table 6. Changes in the number of students at Moscow and St. Petersburg Universities (1850–1894)

Year/University 1850 1880 1885 1890 1894
Moscow 821 1881 3179 3492 3761
Petersburg 387 1675 2340 1815 2676

What are the changes in the number of students in Russia? From 1808 to 1894, the number of students increased from 150 to 8193 people, i.e. 55 times. The number of students also increased at Moscow University: from 1850 to 1894, the number of students increased 4.5 times (from 821 to 3761 people).

Let us divide the time of the origins into two periods - the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century - and consider them sequentially.

The 18th century is presented in historiography as follows. One of the pre-revolutionary researchers of the student movement emphasizes at this time the fact that “university education, accessible only to one nobility, did not open especially tempting prospects for the students, because. the conditions of the serf regime hindered any cultural undertaking.

Modern authors narrate in detail about the time of the birth of Russian universities. In the book “Higher Education in Russia. Outline of history until 1917" it is reported that "all types and types of higher educational institutions were created at the initiative of the state and at the expense of the state" , and therefore "the state hampered any manifestation of public goals if they did not pursue pragmatic tasks" . V.A. Zmeev notes that “universities began to really influence changes in the social class composition of the population of St. clothes."

In relation to the beginning of the 19th century, the collection "Higher Education in Russia ..." characterizes changes in government policy in the field of education as follows. “Autonomy and authoritarianism were changing; Recognition of intrinsic value for higher education was given with difficulty both in the sphere of government and in a slowly evolving society.

A.M. Annenkov dwells in detail on the characteristics of the students of this period. He writes that “at the beginning of the 19th century. young people who entered the university saw it as the main means for realizing their abilities and desires ", noting that" most of the students studied willingly and seriously "," however, with all the "thirst for knowledge", the general educational level of students remained low due to the rather low qualifications teaching staff and imperfect forms of education". Speaking about the life of pupils of Moscow University, he reports that students read willingly and a lot, and "books and magazines banned by official censorship were especially popular", the theater was also a form of leisure. “As a distinctive feature in the student environment of the first third of the 19th century. freedom of opinion and speech can be singled out,” the researcher concludes. The theme of student life is continued by N.V. Makarov, emphasizing that "students of Moscow University were distinguished by frequent visits to taverns, of which Moscow had enough" . In addition to the theater, in her opinion, “a characteristic feature of student life in the first half of the 19th century was student “gatherings”. Young people gathered informally, discussed university life, professors, and various issues of Russian life. At these "gatherings" there were occasional drinking bouts. In general, “students of the first universities were not distinguished by good manners,” the researcher concludes. E. Vishlenkov, R. Galiullina and K. Ilyin complete the characterization of the students of the early 19th century. They highlight the fact that "in the 1830s Russian student acquired clear identification features, became more educated and older.

Notes

1. Frommet B. Essay on the history of students in Russia. SPb., 1912. S. 27.
2. Svatikov S. Students before and now // Way of students. Sat. articles. Private collection of proceeds to the fund of the Moscow student house. M., 1916. S. 1–19 (hereinafter: Svatikov S. Students before and now...).
3. Wirtshafter E.K. social structures: Raznochintsy in the Russian Empire. Per. from English. T.P. Party. Ed. A.B. Kamensky. M.: Logos, 2002 (hereinafter: Wirtshafter E.K. ).
4. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. Intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century. Moscow. 1971. S. 25 (further: Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. Intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century ...).

5. Stafeev S.G. Russian intelligentsia and its role in social movement(second half of the 19th century) // Man, culture, society: interuniversity. Sat. scientific tr. / Editorial staff: N.V. Dulin (responsible editor) and others / VolgGTU. Volgograd, 2005. Issue. 2. P. 67–76. (Further: Stafeev S.G. The Russian intelligentsia and its role in the social movement (second half of the 19th century) ...).

6. Bocharov V.V. Intelligentsia and violence: socio-anthropological aspect // Anthropology of violence. RAN. Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology. Miklouho-Maclay. Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography. Peter the Great (Kunstkamera). Saint Petersburg State University. Rep. Ed. V.V. Bocharov, V.A. Tishkov. St. Petersburg: Nauka, 2001, pp. 39–85 (hereinafter: Bocharov V.V. Intelligentsia and Violence: A Socio-Anthropological Aspect…).

7. Shcherbakova E.I. Raznochinskaya intelligentsia of the 60s of the XIX century as a potential opponent of political detectives // Historical readings on the Lubyanka. Russian special services at the turn of the era: the end of the 19th century - 1922. Moscow, Veliky Novgorod, 1999, pp. 48–55 (hereinafter: Shcherbakova E.I. Raznochinskaya intelligentsia of the 60s of the XIX century as a potential opponent of political detective agencies ...).

8. Sukhotina L.G. Russian intelligentsia and social thought. Publishing House of Tomsk University, 2008 (hereinafter: Sukhotina L.G. ).
9. Ibid. S. 14.
10. Sokolov K.B. Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life. SPb., 2007 (hereinafter: Sokolov K.B. ).
11. Bocharov V.V. Intelligentsia and Violence: A Socio-Anthropological Aspect…

12. Kolonitsky B.I. Intelligentsia in the late 19th - early 20th century: contemporaries' self-awareness and research approaches // From the history of the Russian intelligentsia. Collection of materials and articles dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the birth of V.R. Leikina-Svirskaya. SPb., 2003. S. 181–201 (hereinafter: Kolonitsky B.I. Intelligentsia in the late 19th - early 20th century: contemporaries' self-awareness and research approaches...).

13. Zhivov V. Marginal culture in Russia and the birth of the intelligentsia. // New literary review. 1999. No. 37 (hereinafter: Zhivov V. Marginal Culture in Russia and the Birth of the Intelligentsia…).
14. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. The intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century ...
15. History of Moscow University. Volume I. Rep. ed. M.N. Tikhomirov. M., 1955.
16. Maslin A.N. Materialism and revolutionary-democratic ideology in Russia in the 60s of the XIX century. M., 1960.
17. Struve P.B. Intelligentsia and revolution (1909) // Russian sources of modern social philosophy. Intelligentsia. Power. People. M., 1993. S. 190–204 (hereinafter: Struve P.B. Intelligentsia and revolution ...).
18. Ilyin I.A. On the Russian intelligentsia (1927) // Russian sources of modern social philosophy. Intelligentsia. Power. People. M., 1993. S. 275–281 (hereinafter: Ilyin I.A. About the Russian intelligentsia ...).
19. Novgorodtsev P.I. On the Ways and Tasks of the Russian Intelligentsia (1918) // Russian Sources of Modern Social Philosophy. Intelligentsia. Power. People. M., 1993. S. 225–241 (hereinafter: Novgorodtsev P.I. About the ways and tasks of the Russian intelligentsia ...).
20. Shcherbakova E.I. Ethics of revolutionary action (60s of the 19th century). Abstract for the competition degree candidate of historical sciences. M., 1996 (hereinafter: Shcherbakova E.I. Ethics of revolutionary action (60s of the XIX century) ...).
21. Wirtshafter E.K. Social Structures: Raznochintsy in the Russian Empire…
22. Usmanov S.M. Hopeless dreams. Russian intelligentsia between East and West in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. Ivanovo, 1998 (further: Usmanov S.M. Hopeless dreams. Russian intelligentsia between East and West in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries ...).
23. Sukhotina L.G. Russian intelligentsia and social thought ...
24. Sokolov K.B. Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life ...
25. Zhivov V. Marginal culture in Russia and the birth of the intelligentsia ... S. 39.
26. Struve P.B.
27. Shcherbakova E.I.
28. Novgorodtsev P.I. About the ways and tasks of the Russian intelligentsia ... S. 237.
29. Struve P.B. Intelligentsia and revolution ... S. 192.
30. Ilyin I.A. About the Russian intelligentsia ... S. 277.
31. Wirtshafter E.K. Social Structures: Raznochintsy in the Russian Empire…
32. Sukhotina L.G. Russian intelligentsia and social thought ... S. 14.
33. Shcherbakova E.I. Ethics of revolutionary action (60s of the XIX century) ... S. 53.
34. Usmanov S.M. Hopeless dreams. Russian intelligentsia between East and West in the second half of the 19th - early 20th century ... S. 5.
35. Ilyin I.A. About the Russian intelligentsia...
36. Sukhotina L.G. Russian intelligentsia and social thought ...
37. Shcherbakova E.I. Ethics of revolutionary action (60s of the XIX century) ... S. 53.
38. Schwartz E.L. Ordinary miracle: plays, fairy tales. Moscow: Eksmo. 2011, pp. 559–560.
39. Sokolov K.B. Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life ... S. 38.
40. Ibid. S. 39.
41. Dahl W. Explanatory dictionary of the living Great Russian language. M., 1956. T. IV. Explanatory Dictionary of the Living Great Russian Language by Vladimir Dahl. Second edition, corrected and greatly enlarged from the author's manuscript. Volume four. SPb., M., 1882. S. 347.
42. Feofanov A.M. Students of Moscow University II half of XVIII- the first quarter of the XIX century. Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 2006 (hereinafter: Feofanov A.M. Students of Moscow University in the second half of the 18th - first quarter of the 19th centuries ...).
43. Frommet B. Essay on the history of students in Russia ... S. 1.
44. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students // In memory of Russian students. Paris, 1934, pp. 82–95 (further: Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ...).
45. Ponomareva V.V., Khoroshilova L.B. University Noble boarding house. 1779–1830 Moscow: New Chronograph, 2006, p. 63.
46. ​​Census of Moscow in 1882. Issue. II. Population and Occupations. M .: City Printing House, 1885 (hereinafter: Census of Moscow in 1882. Issue II. Population and Occupations ...).
47. Ibid. S. 77.
48. Ibid. S. 77.

49. Census of Moscow in 1902. Part I. Population. Issue. 1. Population by sex, age, field, length of stay in Moscow, marital status, estates, literacy and degree of education. Publication of the Statistical Department of the Moscow City Council. M., 1904 (hereinafter: Census of Moscow in 1902. Part I. Population. Issue 1. Population by sex, age, field, length of stay in Moscow, marital status, estates, literacy and degree of education ...).

50. Ibid. S. 38.
51. Ibid. S. 106.
52. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... S. 82.
53. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia. L.: University of California Press, 1989. P. 54 (hereinafter: Kassow S.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia…).
54. Ibid. pp. 48–49.
55. Annenkov A.M. Russian students in the first third of the 19th century in the memoirs of contemporaries // Culture historical memory. Proceedings of the scientific conference (September 19–22, 2011). Petrozavodsk, 2002, pp. 106–113. S. 112 (further: Annenkov A.M. Russian students in the first third of the 19th century in the memoirs of contemporaries...).
56. Sliozberg G.B.
57. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R.
58. Ivanov A.E. Student corporation of Russia in the late 19th - early 20th century: experience of cultural and political self-organization. M., 2004. S. 288 (hereinafter: Ivanov A.E. Student corporation of Russia in the late XIX - early XX century: the experience of cultural and political self-organization ...).

59. Bagdasaryan V.E. Motives for deviant behavior of students in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. // Russian students: conditions of life and life (XVIII-XXI centuries). All-Russian Scientific Conference. Collections of scientific articles. M., 2004. S. 83 (hereinafter: Bagdasaryan V.E. Motives for deviant behavior of students in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. // Russian students: conditions of life and life (XVIII-XXI centuries) ...).

60. From the notes of Professor N.P. Bogolepov. A page from the life of Moscow University. M., 1911. P. 55 (further: From the notes of Professor N.P. Bogolepov. A page from the life of Moscow University ...).
61. Margolis Yu.D. Student censuses in Russia 1872–1912 // Medieval and new Russia. Collection of scientific articles. To the 60th anniversary of prof. AND I. Froyanova. SPb., 1996. S. 658 (hereinafter: Margolis Yu.D. Student censuses in Russia 1872–1912…).
62. Svatikov S.
63. Materials on the university issue. Issue. 2. Report of the commission of the Moscow University in 1901 on the causes of student unrest. Stuttgart, 1904. P. 59 (hereinafter: Materials on the university issue. Issue 2. Report of the commission of Moscow University in 1901 on the causes of student unrest ...).
64. Melgunov C. Student organizations in the 80s–90s at Moscow University (according to archival data). M., 1908. S. 3 (hereinafter: Melgunov C. Student organizations in the 80s–90s at Moscow University (according to archival data) ...).
65. Svatikov S.
66. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia… P. 22.
67. Grishunin P.V. Students of metropolitan universities: structures of everyday life. 1820s–1880s Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. SPb., 2005. S. 18 (hereinafter: Grishunin P.V. Students of metropolitan universities: structures of everyday life. 1820–1880s...).
68. Feofanov A.M. Students of Moscow University in the second half of the 18th - first quarter of the 19th centuries ... P. 25–26.
69. Russian professors. University corporatism or professional solidarity. M.: NLO, 2012. S. 59 (hereinafter: Vishlenkova E., Galiullina R., Ilyina K. Russian professors. University corporatism or professional solidarity…).
70. Melgunov C. From the history of student societies in Russian universities. M., 1904. S. 1 (hereinafter: Melgunov C. From the history of student societies in Russian universities...).
71. Report of the judicial commission for 1893/1894 // From the notes of Professor N.P. Bogolepov. A page from the life of Moscow University. M., 1911. S. 109.
72. Svatikov S. Students before and now ... S. 10.

73. Ivanov A.E. Russian university students on the eve of the first Russian revolution. Socio-political appearance // Revolutionary movement of the democratic intelligentsia of Russia in the period of imperialism. Collection of scientific papers. M., 1984. S. 123 (further: Ivanov A.E. Russian university students on the eve of the first Russian revolution. Socio-political appearance ...).

74. Shchetinina G.I. Students and the revolutionary movement in Russia. Last quarter XIX V. Abstract for the degree of Doctor of Historical Sciences. M., 1988. S. 42 (hereinafter: Shchetinina G.I. Students and the revolutionary movement in Russia. Last quarter of the 19th century...).
75. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia… P. 52.
76. Annenkov A.M.
77. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... S. 94.
78. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. The intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century ... S. 27.
79. Ivanov A.E. University policy of autocracy on the eve of the first Russian revolution of 1899–1904. Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 1975. S. 14 (hereinafter: Ivanov A.E. University policy of autocracy on the eve of the first Russian revolution of 1899–1904…).
80. Georgieva N.G. IN AND. Lenin on the place of students in the bourgeois-democratic revolution // Intelligentsia and revolution. XX century. Rep. ed. d.h.s. K.V. Gusev. M., 1985. S. 90 (hereinafter: Georgieva N.G. IN AND. Lenin on the place of students in the bourgeois-democratic revolution ...).
81. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia. P. 401.
82. Simonov V.N. Pupils of Moscow University are active participants in the political movement in the late 19th - present. 20th century Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 1995. S. 13 (hereinafter: Simonov V.N. Pupils of Moscow University are active participants in the political movement in the late 19th - present. XX century ...).
83. Feofanov A.M. Students of Moscow University in the second half of the 18th - first quarter of the 19th centuries ... P. 25.
84. Svatikov S. Students before and now ... S. 15.
85. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. The intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century ... S. 27.
86. Ivanov A.E. University policy of autocracy on the eve of the first Russian revolution of 1899–1904… P. 13; Ivanov A.E. Russian university students on the eve of the first Russian revolution. Socio-political appearance ... S. 113.
87. Georgieva N.G. IN AND. Lenin on the place of students in the bourgeois-democratic revolution ... S. 91.
88. Melgunov C. Student organizations in the 80s–90s at Moscow University (according to archival data) ... S. 103.
89. Frommet B. Essay on the history of students in Russia ... S. 58.
90. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia… P. 399.
91. Margolis Yu.D. Student censuses in Russia 1872-1912 ... S. 658.
92. Zavadsky N.G. Student body and political parties in 1901–1914 SPb., 1998. S. 31 (hereinafter: Zavadsky N.G. Students and political parties in 1901-1914...).
93. Vydrin R. Highlights of the student movement in Russia. M., 1908. S. 28 (further: Vydrin R. The main points of the student movement in Russia ...).
94. Ivanov A.E. Russian university students on the eve of the first Russian revolution. Socio-political appearance ... S. 123; Ivanov A.E. Student Corporation of Russia in the late XIX - early XX century: the experience of cultural and political self-organization ... S. 389.
95. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia… P. 54.
96. Vakhterova O.A. Students and authorities in Russia in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries // Power and Society. Interuniversity collection of scientific papers. SPb., 2000. S. 60.
97. Grishunin P.V. Students of metropolitan universities: structures of everyday life. 1820–1880s… S. 17.
98. Zimin I.V. student uniform and badges in Russia in the 19th - early 20th centuries // Facts and Versions. Historical and cultural almanac. Book. IV. Methodology. Symbolism. Semantics. SPb., 2005. P. 112 (hereinafter: Zimin I.V. Student uniform and badges in Russia in the 19th - early 20th century...).
99. Materials on the university issue. Issue. 2. Report of the commission of the Moscow University in 1901 on the causes of student unrest ... S. 13.
100. Mitskevich S.I. Notes of a public doctor. 1888–1918 M.-L., 1941. S. 7.
101. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... S. 83.
102. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia… P. 403.
103. Ivanov A.E. Student Corporation of Russia in the late XIX - early XX century: the experience of cultural and political self-organization ... S. 288.
104. Vydrin R. The main points of the student movement in Russia ... S. 14.
105. Saltykov A. Moscow University in 1890–1895 // In memory of Russian students. Paris, 1934, p. 96 (further: Saltykov A. Moscow University in 1890-1895...).
106. Elyashevich V.B. From the memoirs of an old Moscow student (1892–1896) // In memory of Russian students. Paris, 1934, p. 107 (further: Elyashevich V.B. From the memoirs of an old Moscow student (1892-1896) ...).
107. Sabashnikov M.V. Memoirs // Moscow University in the memoirs of contemporaries (1755-1917). M., 1989. S. 580 (hereinafter: Sabashnikov M.V. Memories…).
108. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia… P. 196.
109. Simonov V.N. Pupils of Moscow University are active participants in the political movement in the late 19th - present. XX century ... S. 22.
110. Annenkov A.M. Russian students in the first third of the 19th century in the memoirs of contemporaries ... S. 112.
111. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... S. 84.
112. Lind W. Memories of my life. Moscow University ... S. 250.
113. Veselaya G.A. Mass public performances of Moscow students in the late XIX - early XX century. (1896–1904). Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 1974. S. 11.
114. Ivanov A.E. Russian university students on the eve of the first Russian revolution. Socio-political appearance ... S. 121.
115. Radtsig S.I. Pages from memories ... S. 597.
116. Zavadsky N.G. Students and political parties in 1901–1914… S. 37.
117. Bagdasaryan V.E. Motives for deviant behavior of students in the late XIX - early XX century ... S. 83.
118. Saltykov A.
119. Rachkovskaya Yu.K. Students of St. Petersburg and Moscow in the light of the authors of the liberal trend (the end of the 19th - the beginning of the 20th century). Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. SPb., 1999. S. 17.
120. Khudyakov N.I. Notes of Karakozov. Moscow University (1859–1860) ... S. 438.
121. Shchetinina G.I. Students and the revolutionary movement in Russia. The last quarter of the 19th century ... S. 35.
122. Speshkov S.D. A note compiled on behalf of the Minister of Public Education by a member of the Council, Privy Councilor Speshkov, about various organizations among students and students in various educational institutions ... P. 19.
123. Zavadsky N.G. Students and political parties in 1901-1914 ... S. 37
124. Materials on the university question. Issue. 2. Report of the commission of the Moscow University in 1901 on the causes of student unrest ... S. 23
125. Speshkov S.D. A note compiled on behalf of the Minister of Public Education by a member of the Council, Privy Councilor Speshkov, about various organizations among students and students in various educational institutions ... P. 17.
126. Frommet B. Essay on the history of students in Russia ... S. 29.
127. Kurbsky V. Essays on student life (from the diary of a former student) ... S. 53.
128. Svatikov S. Students before and now ... S. 15.
129. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... S. 94.
130. S. 205 [According to: Izgoev A.S. About intelligent youth (Notes about her way of life and moods) // Milestones. From the depth. M., 1991, S. 112].
131. Melgunov C. Student organizations in the 80s–90s at Moscow University (according to archival data) ... S. 88.
132. Report of the judicial commission for 1893/1894 ... S. 131.
133. Zavadsky N.G. Students and political parties in 1901-1914 ... S. 161.
134. Svatikov S. Students before and now ... S. 15.
135. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... S. 94.
136. Saltykov A. Moscow University in 1890–1895… S. 96.
137. Georgieva N.G. IN AND. Lenin on the place of students in the bourgeois-democratic revolution ... S. 90.
138. Shchetinina G.I. Students and the revolutionary movement in Russia. The last quarter of the 19th century ... S. 41.
139. Zavadsky N.G. Students and political parties in 1901–1914… P. 9.
140. Kolonitsky B.I. Intelligentsia in the late 19th - early 20th centuries: contemporaries' self-awareness and research approaches ... S. 188.
141. Sokolov K.B. The Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life ... [According to: Izgoev A.S. About intelligent youth (Notes about her way of life and moods) // Milestones. From the depth. M., 1991.].
142. Vydrin R. Highlights of the student movement in Russia ... S. 42.
143. Ivanov A.E. Student Corporation of Russia in the late XIX - early XX century: the experience of cultural and political self-organization ... S. 286.
144. Sokolov K.B. Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life ...
145. Stafeev S.G. The Russian intelligentsia and its role in the social movement (the second half of the 19th century) ... S. 67 [For: History of Russia in questions and answers. Rostov-on-Don, 1999, p. 303].
146. Svatikov S. Students before and now ... S. 15.

147. Chinenny A., Stoyan T. Students of Russian universities (XIX century) // Higher education in Russia. Scientific and pedagogical journal of the Ministry of General and vocational education RF. 1999. No. 5. P. 141 [According to: Brockhaus F.A., Efron I.A. Encyclopedic Dictionary T. XXXIV. SPb., 1899. S. 754] (hereinafter: Chinenny A., Stoyan T. Students of Russian Universities (XIX century)…).

148. Ibid. P. 142 [S. 142 - By: Higher education in Russia. Essay on history until 1917. NII VO. M., 1995. S. 117].
149. Vydrin R. The main points of the student movement in Russia ... S. 11.
150. Higher education in Russia. Outline of history until 1917. Ed. prof. V.G. Kinelev. M., 1995. S. 260 (hereinafter: Higher education in Russia. Outline of history until 1917. Edited by Prof. V. G. Kinelev ...).
151. Ibid. S. 260.
152. Zmeev V.A. Russian students of the XVIII century // Russian students at the turn of the century. Materials of the All-Russian Student Forum. Ed. Yu.V. Kovrizhinykh, G.V. Kupriyanova. Scientific editor T.E. Petrov. M., 2001. S. 5.
153. Ibid. S. 16.
154. Higher education in Russia. Outline of history until 1917. Ed. prof. V.G. Kinelev ... S. 261.
155. Annenkov A.M. Russian students in the first third of the 19th century in the memoirs of contemporaries ... S. 107.
156. Ibid. S. 108.
157. Ibid. S. 109.
158. Ibid. S. 111.
159. Ibid. S. 112.
160. Makarova N.V. Students in the 19th century: life and customs // Russian students: conditions of life and life (XVIII-XXI centuries). All-Russian scientific conference. Collections of scientific articles. M., 2004. S. 61 (hereinafter: Makarova N.V. Students in the 19th century: life and customs ...).

The first conflict arose because of police brutality against students of St. Petersburg University. The students demanded inviolability of the person, the publication of all measures concerning them, the repeal of the old law on conscription of expelled students into the army. The rector of the university answered them that "birds of paradise, which are given everything they ask, do not live in our climate" Solomonov V.A. On the participation of Moscow students in the first All-Russian student strike in 1899 //Bulletin of Moscow State University. Series 8: History. 1994. No. 2. Students staged a demonstration near the Kazan Cathedral. They were supported by their strike of 25,000 workers. The university was closed, all students were expelled. After the opening of the university, 2181 students out of 2425 were accepted back.

Nicholas II denounced the students, saying that they should study, not demonstrate. The fermentation did not subside and on January 14, 1901, former student Karpovich P.V. assassinated the Minister of Education Prof. Bogolepova N.P. This senseless crime, enthusiastically received by the students, opened a series of terrorist acts by the revolutionary forces and the government's response. After these events, a significant part of the students became in opposition to the tsarist regime. In 1902, an underground student congress took place with fierce discussions of the Social Revolutionaries and liberals Engel G., Gorokhov V. From the history of the student movement. 1899-1906. M., 1908. A small part of extremist students went into terror, into the militant organization of the Socialist-Revolutionaries. After 5 years, in the university cities of the Jewish Pale of Settlement - Kyiv, Odessa, Nizhyn, Jewish students became the main explosive force. In the revolutionary turmoil of these cities, especially after the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, they took an active part, being, as the rightists claimed, its "backbone". Great ideas, including socialist ones, spread in a transnational way, like religious, pacifist, feminist and other movements.

At the beginning of the 20th century, students became the main class, which was dissatisfied with the situation in the country. Of course, the marginal strata of society experienced the greatest oppression, but it was the students who were the accumulator of social unrest, it was among its most intellectual part that Marxist sentiments, thoughts about the coming revolution, a total change in society, went. I think that anyone will agree that the workers were hardly familiar with the philosophical and political views of both domestic and Western thinkers. And only among students and intellectuals they had huge popularity.

Material and living conditions of student life in Russia at the end of the 19th century.

Student life of that time deserves special attention.

Student and work is not a new topic for Russia. She occupied a prominent place in the fiction of the past: half-poor, half-starved, always looking for a place as a tutor or tutor, living from water to bread - this is how a typical student of the second half of the 19th century, Ivanov P., appears before us. Students in Moscow. Gen. Morals. Types (Essays). M., 1903 .. A student of St. Petersburg University, Raskolnikov, a non-resident, "from the nobility", who came from a small town in the R-th province, "was so poorly dressed that a different, even familiar person, would be ashamed to go out in such tatters on street" Raskolnikov's student life was provided by money transfers from his mother (his mother allocated him 15 rubles from her pension of 120 rubles, and even then irregularly) and lessons. Such is his friend, student Razumikhin, who earns money for teaching by lessons or translations from foreign languages. As long as there were lessons, Raskolnikov "somehow, but made his way", avoiding turning to moneylenders, although pawnshops and usury offices, where you could pawn and re-pawn some personal items, up to your own clothes, served as a help to students in difficult minutes. However, by the time the crime was committed, Raskolnikov had already left the university for several months, "for lack of something to support himself, and his lessons and other means ceased," despite the fact that he studied diligently and surpassed many of his classmates in knowledge (for a while, Razumikhin also left teaching the same reason). The murder of the usurer Alena Ivanovna Raskolnikov is largely driven by the lack of means of subsistence. It could be assumed that such a deplorable financial situation of a student, described by Dostoevsky, is a marginal and extreme phenomenon. However, turning to the tetralogy of N.G. Garin-Mikhailovsky, which Gorky called "the whole epic of Russian life", we find in the third and fourth parts ("Students" and "Engineers") almost the same picture. For most students, in addition to parental money, the main sources of livelihood were tutoring, tutoring, private lessons, translations, work as a copyist. Most of these activities had nothing to do with the professions that students studied at the institutes.

This means that this work helped young people in mastering their future profession, it is not necessary to speak. Rather, students used for survival the cultural resources they inherited from their families or acquired while studying at the gymnasiums. The limited nature of the student labor market was partly determined by the negative attitude towards physical labor. Students of that era - most often come from a noble environment, which, despite the often encountered material insolvency, retained class prejudices: these young people could hardly imagine themselves doing hard physical work like loading and unloading.

In the fundamental work of A.E. Ivanov, the "art of survival" of pre-revolutionary Russian students is considered in detail and comprehensively. After analyzing a huge number of statistical and historical documents, the author comes to the conclusion that in addition to parental assistance and state loans and subsidies, aid societies and cooperative student organizations, students' own earnings constituted a significant part of their budget revenues.

"A significant proportion of students worked (permanently, temporarily, occasionally), and not only during the educational process, but also during the summer vacation." At the same time, already at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. "an ominous companion of student everyday life" was unemployment Frommet B. R. Key moments in the history of Russian students // Student Bulletin. 1917. No. 7. February 17..

Most often, poor students could not get a profitable place. An almost insoluble task for them was to find such an income that would not take a lot of time and provide a living wage. "Our comrades are strenuously knocking on the thresholds of the editorial offices of newspapers, all kinds of bureaus and offices in pursuit of earnings, but usually they do not find work here," a student of the University of St. Vladimir in Kiev wrote in 1903 to the editorial office of the Kiev News newspaper. It was difficult for needy students to get around their "more affluent colleagues with good acquaintances" and, therefore, appropriate recommendations, who lived in the best urban areas of the city, decently dressed. In Moscow, according to P. Ivanov, employers avoided dealing with those who lived in the "student camp" (Bronny or "Zhivoderka", Georgians). The inhabitants of the dormitory for poor students - the notorious "Lyapinka" and the cereal "Girsha", as well as tenement houses on Bronnaya, which were the realm of hostesses-renters who lived at the expense of tenants - mostly students, were especially hostile. As a rule, the latter hid the place of residence that compromised them. The topic of secondary employment of students practically disappears in the post-revolutionary, Soviet period. Numerous works are devoted to the problems of youth health and communist education, the value orientations of Soviet students and the problems of their socialization are studied. The complete lack of research into the material existence of students leads to the idea that the policy of the Soviet government in the field of higher education solved all these problems. This theme is not reflected in the literature of that period. In this regard, the story of Yuri Trifonov is symptomatic, which describes the life and studies of students of the Literary Institute in the very first post-war years. Most of the characters in the novel are former veterans. They are passionate about studies, social, Komsomol activities, work in a student scientific society, establish ties with the working class, expose hostile, ideologically alien elements among students and teachers, experience love affairs. ... There are practically no problems of life support for students, "base questions" of earning money. Material differentiation among students and, accordingly, the problems associated with it are indicated only by hints. At the same time, as a rule, "negative" heroes are clearly better off than "positive" ones. So, the negative hero Sergei - a talented egoist - walks, "putting his hands into the deep pockets of his spacious furry coat", and Lagutenko, a front-line soldier, wears a "shabby overcoat" ... It is clear that enjoying the first years of peacetime, post-war asceticism brought the problems of material prosperity far beyond framework of truly important and interesting aspects of peaceful life. However, the memories of former students of different Soviet generations reveal a more diverse reality to us. To earn a living in addition to the scholarship had to almost everyone who did not belong to the wealthy strata, who came to the university centers from the provinces. Material deprivation, self-restraint, often the same as those of their predecessors from pre-revolutionary times, life from hand to mouth was their everyday life. The problems of housing and clothing were no less acute than before. Of course, the market for applying student labor has gradually expanded. This happened not only in connection with the growth of production and the development of scientific and technological progress. It should also be taken into account that the new social strata, drawn into the sphere of higher education, no longer shunned unskilled, physical labor. Thus, the loading and unloading of wagons becomes one of the most common types of earnings among young students of the post-war years. Usually they worked at night, unloading wagons with coal and building materials, and in the summer also with vegetables and fruits. Former students recall how, with the money they earned, they "took girls to cocktail bars to make up for lost time due to the war." Girls - this historically relatively new category for higher education - worked much less frequently. Their budget consisted of scholarships and parental money.

With the beginning of the campaign for the development of virgin lands, new forms of earnings appeared in the famous student construction teams. During the summer holidays, students also participated in the harvest in the south, in geological or archaeological expeditions. More exotic are the types of episodic earnings mentioned in the stories of former students, such as donating blood, playing preference for money with wealthy clients (this was especially common in universities of a mathematical profile), participating as test subjects in various medical and psychological experiments. Those who owned musical instruments played in jazz ensembles; many worked as night watchmen, orderlies, stokers Elfimova N. V. Social assistance to students in pre-revolutionary Russia // Russian Journal of Social Work. 1995. No. 2. P. 36-38.. In an era of total shortages, students, especially language universities, did not shun speculation ... Qualified work that coincides with the specialty being studied was more accessible to students of prestigious, metropolitan, in particular, humanitarian, language universities faculties of Moscow State University. They made money by translating, journalism, near-literary forms of activity (reporting for the press or radio, covering student life, etc.).

The prevalence of employment among students depended on the profile and status of the university. So, in MVTU them. Bauman students rarely worked.

Student holidays are a special tradition. The traditions of Russian student revelry had already developed at the beginning of the 19th century. Unlike other "feasts", they were distinguished by love of freedom, some kind of special patriotism and all-consuming brotherhood. There is no specific celebration ritual. Every year something new. Generations are changing, and with them comes a new understanding of student holidays.

Perhaps the most famous and oldest holiday is Tatyana's Day (celebrated on January 25, the day when the winter session is finally "closed"). In the descriptions of the celebration of Tatyana's Day, it is usually most of all about how much was drunk, and how someone played tricks. All this is accompanied by mass festivities. Not a single frost will force a student to stay at home on this significant day.

A.P. Chekhov, in one of his early feuilletons of 1885, wrote about the Moscow student holiday: “Everything was drunk this year, except for the Moskva River, and this was due to the fact that it froze ... It was so fun that one studious from an excess of feelings was bathed in a reservoir where the sterlets swim…"

In 1918, the university church was closed, and a reading room was set up in it. Holidays "in honor of the academic goddess" Tatiana have been stopped. In 1923, "Archaic and meaningless Tatyana" was noticed in the directive order by the Day of the proletarian students. However, it was not possible to completely eradicate the memory of the old student holiday. In the post-war years, Moscow students resumed, of course, in home companies, the celebration of Tatiana's Day. In the 1990s, along with the return of some customs canceled by the revolution, Tatyana's day returned. At Moscow University, they began to celebrate it officially, and the rector congratulated the students with a glass of champagne in his hand. In 1993, the premises where the university church was located were handed over to the Patriarchate, and everything fell into place again. More recently, a new tradition has emerged: protests - as many newspapers note, in our time this event can be equated with a student holiday.

Although the first universities appeared in Russia in the 18th century, students as a special social group took shape only in the second half of the 19th century. As we know, raznochintsy students were almost entirely democratic. Dobrolyubov and Chernyshevsky became their idols, their ideology was populism. Then it was fashionable to read "What to do?" and be a materialist. Perhaps the first protest was organized by students of St. Petersburg, Moscow and Kyiv in March 1861, a memorial service for the Poles demonstrators killed by the tsarist troops in Warsaw. "In the winter of 1899, the first all-Russian student strike took place, which then began to be held regularly."

Meanwhile, one of the factors influencing the formation of the spiritual and psychological image of Russian students was the theater. Theater in Russia, especially in Russia at the end of the 19th century, especially the capital's theater played a huge cultural, educational and socio-political role. The connection of Moscow University with the theatrical life of Moscow had a long and solid foundation. Suffice it to recall that the very emergence of the Moscow public theater was due precisely to the university, or rather, the university student theater, one of the founders of which was the famous Russian writer, an outstanding university figure M.M. Kheraskov. Over the years, this connection, consecrated by traditions, only became more multifaceted and stronger. Moscow University, on the one hand, and Moscow theaters, on the other, are firmly woven into the cultural fabric of the capital, turning over time into public, cultural and educational centers, by the very nature of their activities and traditionally closely related to each other.

The influence of the theatrical life of Moscow on the formation of the spiritual and psychological image of students of Moscow University. The problem itself breaks down into a number of sub-problems. Because in the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. theaters played both a cultural and educational and a socio-political role in the life of Russian society; accordingly, their influence on the public was both cultural and educational and socio-political in nature. If we talk about Moscow students, then, along with all of the above, a huge role was played by the charitable activities of theaters, as well as personal contacts of theater figures with students of Moscow University. The influence of the theater on the students of Moscow University, of course, was not one-sided. Students constituted one of the most numerous, and, most importantly, the most active part of the theater audience. Accordingly, the repertoire of theaters, and the manner of performance, and the very nature of relations with society were largely determined precisely by the needs of students. The question of the personal ties of a number of theatrical figures with Moscow University deserves special consideration. It is known that many outstanding actors, singers, composers, directors either received a university education or took an active part in the public life of Moscow University (in charity events, in scientific, educational and cultural societies at the university, etc.).

Thus, the following conclusions can be drawn:

1. Theatrical life in Moscow had a huge impact on the formation of the spiritual and psychological image of the students of Moscow University. At the turn of the 19th-20th centuries. this influence can be fully and above all called a revolutionary factor in the spiritual history of Russian students. Both the repertoire of Moscow theatres, and their socio-political, and even cultural and educational activities (attempts to appeal to the masses, met with a decisive rebuff from the autocracy) contributed to the growth of opposition sentiments among the students.

2. Students, being, firstly, the largest and most active part of the theatrical public, and, secondly, a force very influential in wide circles of the Russian intelligentsia, in turn most directly influenced the repertoire policy of Moscow theaters and the nature of public behavior of theatrical figures.

3. Relations of Moscow University with the capital's theaters were not limited

formal and informal relationships in the field of cultural, educational and socio-political activities. For many theatrical figures, Moscow University was in the full sense of the alma mater, and, at the same time, for many students of Moscow University, the theater became a place for further application of their talent, vitality and energy.

As for the relationship of students with professors, this can be learned from the example of the Kazan Telegraph, 1900 Ivanov P. Students in Moscow. Gen. Morals. Types (Essays). M., 1903..

“The number of students at Kazan University by January 1, 1900 was 823 students and 75 regular students. According to the faculties, they were distributed as follows: in the historical and philological - 37 people, in the physical and mathematical sciences - 179 (in the category of mathematical sciences - 60 and in the category of natural sciences - 19), in the legal - 164, and in the medical - 443 people.

During 1899, 169 students enjoyed the right to listen to lectures free of charge, which is 15.5% of the total number of students.

Holiday dinner

On November 5, 1900, on the day of the founding of the Imperial Kazan University, its former students gathered in St. Petersburg for a friendly dinner at Donon's restaurant. About 20 persons participated in the dinner. Among those present at the dinner were: Senator N.P. Smirnov, the oldest student (class of 1846) V.V. Pashutin, N.A. Kremlev - former rector of Kazan University, prof. V.A. Lebedev, S.K. Bulich, S.F. Glinka, A.F. Elachich and others. A telegram was sent to the rector of Kazan University: "Former students of Kazan University, having gathered at a friendly dinner at the turn of two centuries, drink for the further prosperity of their native university and express confidence that and in the twentieth century, his pupils will continue to add their names to the ranks of the luminaries of science and honest figures in all fields of public life of the dear Fatherland.

Professors, closer to students!

In order to establish a possible rapprochement between the professorship and the students and a more correct formulation of university teaching, attention is paid to strengthening practical classes in all faculties and the formation of student, scientific and literary circles is allowed; but the most expedient measure for establishing the desired communication between professors and students is the arrangement of properly arranged student dormitories, for which, by the Highest command, 3,262,000 rubles were allocated from the amount of the State Treasury.

Fashion (democratic and aristocratic) played its essential role in the public presentation of the students.

A special place in the everyday culture of the students belonged to the so-called "sexual question". With all its mysteries and dangers, it was vigorously discussed in Russian society, especially after the first Russian revolution. The sphere of the subculture of the young intelligentsia also included its attitude to marriage (church and civil), family life and childbearing.

A hundred years ago, MSU students did not have mobile phones, the Internet, computers, and even typewriters were very rare. But they studied, spending the last money on education, rented tiny rooms in the attics and did not want to part with their books. Walking through the corridors and classrooms of the modern Faculty of Journalism (one of the old buildings of Moscow State University), it is interesting to mentally travel a little more than a hundred years ago, to the end of the 19th century, and imagine the then students ...

... It was possible to get to the university on foot or, if funds allowed, to hire a cab. I had to get up in different ways: for some, classes began with the first couple at 9 in the morning. Someone later. Classes were on time. The last lecture ended at 4 pm, but rarely did anyone have to sit at the university with all seven couples.

Education students sought to give deep. True, the teachers themselves admitted that the course of lectures often turned out to be “torn” (in official documents this was called “fragmentation of teaching”). For example, classes in comparative linguistics could stretch for two or four years, when the course was taught with breaks of several months, although all the disciplines related to it could be read in just a year. In the 1990s, it was decided that if the course of lectures had to be “broken up”, at least one large section of the course had to fit into one semester in order to form a correct understanding of the subject among students.

Faculties were not clearly separated from each other. Therefore, at the historical and philological general lectures, both philologists and historians listened, and then they were divided into two large streams - "A" and "B" - and studied special disciplines. The stream was divided into groups of 25 people - so the teachers had time to control the students' classes. Studied almost the same as today. Philologists were obliged to know the history of Russian and foreign literature, wrote works on it (an analogue of current abstracts), studied ancient and new languages, interpreted works of ancient authors at seminars. Of the new languages, English, French, German and Italian were popular. You could learn Lithuanian or Serbian. Of the ancients (in addition to Greek and Latin) - Gothic and Sanskrit. Interestingly, everyone passed the exam in geography.

Education cost money (they were deducted for non-payment of fees), but theology was a compulsory and free subject for everyone (note that now many universities introduce a similar subject, sometimes it is called the “New Testament”). In addition, they studied the logic of science, philosophy, the doctrine of character (now - psychology) and rather narrow subjects, for example, "The Persecution of Christianity."

There was a period when only lectures were included in the schedule of hours in literature, but over time, “a special deliberative hour was appointed for conversation” - this is almost modern workshop, but intended not so much to ask students homework how much then so that students ask questions to the teacher and better understand the subject.

In addition to the compulsory disciplines, it was possible to attend additional classes - something like the current special courses - and write papers on them. Such a special course, for example, was offered by Alexei Nikolaevich Veselovsky, who read the history of French literature.

With such a busy schedule, they studied six days a week, from Monday to Saturday. There was only one day off, and even that had to be spent on preparing homework or working part-time: there was always not enough money. Education was paid, books were expensive. You had to pay for housing. The offspring of rich and influential families could easily gnaw at the granite of science. Those who are poorer - those who come from families of ruined nobles and completely poor students - had to take care not only of grades, but also of subsistence.

A common type of earnings were private lessons. It’s not very easy to work with other people’s children or complete tasks for lazy but wealthy fellow students when you yourself have to write term papers and do translations, and besides, this in a good way required special permission and a certificate stating that the young tutor has enough teaching pedagogy education. Those who, for various (often financial) reasons, could not graduate from the university had the opportunity to pass the exam and officially obtain a license and become teachers.

For those who had very little money, university scholarships were a great support. There were a huge number of them at each faculty. There were scholarships for everyone - any student could apply for them. To become a scholarship holder, one had to submit a petition with an explanation. For example, like this: "... I am a needy person, as proof of which I have a certificate of poverty." There were also special ones, for example, a scholarship named after the poet V. A. Zhukovsky, intended exclusively for the nobles of the Tula province. Students received payments of about 25 rubles a month, and this was a sufficient amount. The amount of money available for scholarships was limited. The number of scholarship holders was vigilantly monitored not only by accounting specialists, but also by students. When they found out that they stopped paying a scholarship to someone (for example, a person graduated from his studies), they tried to be the first to write a petition: “Such a scholarship no longer receives, as a result of which I ask you to assign a scholarship to me.” The students were well aware that for many scholarships were the only means of life, so those whose financial situation improved wrote petitions to refuse scholarships, explaining such a decision simply and briefly: “I do not consider myself entitled now to use the said scholarship.” In need of students generally tried to help. Someone was rescued by books, someone - by housing. They organized an orchestra and a choir, and the money from concerts was given to poor students.

Housing was a major problem. Nonresidents were provided with a hostel, but it could be abandoned. Then, as compensation, the student was given a scholarship with the expectation that the money would be spent on renting a room. In 1899, this scholarship was 400 rubles.

The students were treated very carefully. A case is known when one capable student, a certain Azbukov, began to suffer from persecution mania. He was sent to the hospital for treatment, then he returned to the university, but soon the disease resumed. The student was poor, could not study further due to illness, the Student Hostel Committee took care of young man knowing that his family is too poor to support a former student.

There were still many scholarships, which were appointed "with a scientific purpose." With this money, the student could live while he was doing scientific work or preparing to receive an academic title. The Lomonosov scholarship was 298 rubles a year, the Potemkin scholarship was 366, and the government scholarship was 300 rubles.

Large rewards could be obtained by writing a good scientific work and becoming the winner of some competition. A prize of 1,500 rubles, for example, could be received by a student who wrote the best work on the history of the formation of the literary languages ​​of Italy, Greece and the Slavic countries at a competition organized by the St. Petersburg Slavic Charitable Society in the 90s of the 19th century.

Scientific work required not only knowledge and strength, but also specialized literature. Books (as, indeed, today) were given to students at home, some were allowed to be read only in the reading room. To work with educational literature during the holidays (“vacation time”), it was required to write a special petition. Failure to return library books was severely punished. Lists of debtors were submitted to the rector. Those who brought the book at the wrong time paid a fine. Those who refused to return the literature were visited by the police and the books were confiscated by force. Literature was valued so highly that the governor-general himself "took care" of the debtors. Accidentally or not, but most often students did not return foreign books (perhaps they contained especially valuable material or they could be sold at a higher price).

Students were engaged, of course, not only in studies. They participated in revolutionary speeches (for which many were expelled without the right to recovery), had fun and fell in love. Marriage required special permission. But in general, it was believed that "the right family environment can serve as a more reliable guarantee of physical and moral health" and, consequently, a stable study. It was possible to marry from the age of 21 with the consent of the parents, and “with a police certificate of the bride’s trustworthiness”. A guarantee of the material security of the marriage was obligatory. Either it was help from parents, or a contribution to the University Treasury of the amount to provide for the family while the husband was taking the course at the rate of payments in the amount of 25 rubles per month.

It is curious that the students were named not by courses, but by semesters: student of the third semester Semyon Ivanov. The autumn half-year lasted from August 20 to December 20, the spring half-year - from January 15 to May 30. Having passed the exams, the student moved to the next course or received a diploma of higher education. Then he could go to work or, what many aspired to, stay at the university, get scientific title and in a few years he himself began to teach young students.