§ 172. Emperor Nicholas II Alexandrovich (1894–1917)

In the very first months of his reign, the young sovereign with particular force expressed his intention to follow his father’s system in the internal government of the state and promised to “protect the beginning of the autocracy as firmly and steadily” as Alexander III guarded it. In foreign policy, Nicholas II also wanted to follow the peace-loving spirit of his predecessor, and in the first years of his reign not only did not deviate practically from the behests of Emperor Alexander III, but also posed to all powers the theoretical question of how diplomacy, through international discussion of the matter, could “put the limit to continuous armaments and to find means to prevent the misfortunes that threaten the whole world.” The result of such an appeal by the Russian emperor to the powers was the convening of two “Hague Peace Conferences” in The Hague (1899 and 1907), the main goal of which was to find means for a peaceful solution to international conflicts and for a general limitation of armaments. This goal, however, was not achieved, because there was no agreement to end disarmament, and a permanent international court to resolve disputes was not established. The conferences were limited to a number of private humane decisions on the laws and customs of war. They did not prevent any armed clashes and did not stop the development of so-called “militarism” with its enormous expenditures on military affairs.

Simultaneously with the work of the first Hague Conference, Russia was forced to take an active part in the internal affairs of China. It began with the fact that it prevented Japan from retaining the Liaodong Peninsula, which it had conquered from China, with the fortress of Port Arthur (1895). Then (1898) Russia itself leased Port Arthur with its region from China and ran one of the branches of its Siberian Railway there, and this made another Chinese region, Manchuria, through which the Russian railway passed, indirectly dependent on Russia. When the uprising began in China (the so-called “Boxers”, patriots, adherents of antiquity), Russian troops, along with the troops of other European powers, took part in pacifying it, took Beijing (1900), and then openly occupied Manchuria (1902). At the same time, the Russian government turned its attention to Korea and found it possible to occupy some points in Korea for its military and trade purposes. But Korea has long been an object of desire for Japan. Affected by the transfer of Port Arthur to Russian possession and concerned about Russia's assertion in the Chinese regions, Japan did not consider it possible to give up its dominance in Korea. She opposed Russia and, after lengthy diplomatic negotiations, started a war with Russia (January 26, 1904).

The war dealt a sensitive blow to Russia's political prestige and showed the weakness of its military organization. The government faced the difficult task of reviving the naval power of the state. It seemed that this would take a long time and that Russia would not be able to take an active part in international political life for a long time. Under this assumption, the central European powers, Germany and Austria-Hungary, became less shy towards Russia. They had many reasons to interfere in the affairs of the Balkan Peninsula, where there were wars between the Balkan states with Turkey and among themselves. Austria-Hungary exerted the main pressure on Serbia, intending to subordinate this state to its full influence. In 1914, the Austrian government delivered an ultimatum to Serbia that encroached on the political independence of the Serbian kingdom. Russia stood up, against the expectations of Austria and Germany, for the friendly Serbian people and mobilized the army. At this, Germany, followed by Austria, declared war on Russia, and with it, at the same time, France, its longtime ally. Thus began (in July 1914) that terrifying war that engulfed, one might say, the whole world. The reign of Emperor Nicholas II, despite the peace-loving statements of the monarch, was overshadowed by extraordinary military thunderstorms and difficult trials in the form of military defeats and the loss of state areas.

In the internal administration of the state, Emperor Nicholas II considered it possible and desirable to adhere to the same principles on which the protective policy of his father rested. But the policy of Alexander III had its explanation in the troubled circumstances of 1881 (§170); its goal was to combat sedition, restore public order and calm society. When Emperor Nicholas came into power, order was strengthened, and there was no talk of revolutionary terror. But life brought to the fore new tasks that required special efforts from the authorities. Crop failure and famine, in 1891–1892. which struck the agricultural regions of the state with extreme force, revealed an undoubted general decline in the people's well-being and the futility of those measures with which the government had until then thought to improve class life (§171). In the most grain-producing regions, the peasantry, due to scarcity of land and lack of livestock, could not maintain land farming, had no reserves, and at the first crop failure suffered hunger and poverty. In factories and factories, workers were dependent on entrepreneurs who were not sufficiently limited by law in the exploitation of labor. The suffering of the masses, revealed with extraordinary clarity during the famine of 1891–1892, caused a great movement in Russian society. Not limiting themselves to sympathy and material assistance to the starving, the zemstvos and the intelligentsia tried to raise before the government the question of the need to change the general order of government and move from the bureaucracy, powerless to prevent the ruin of the people, to unity with the zemstvos. Some zemstvo assemblies, taking advantage of the change in reign, in the first days of the power of Emperor Nicholas II turned to him with the appropriate addresses. However, they received a negative answer, and the government remained on its previous path of protecting the autocratic system with the help of bureaucracy and police repression.

The sharply expressed protective direction of power was in such a clear discrepancy with the glaring needs of the population and the mood of the intelligentsia that the emergence of opposition and revolutionary movements was inevitable. In the last years of the 19th century, protests began against the government by students in higher educational institutions and unrest and strikes by workers in factory areas. The growth of public discontent caused increased repression, aimed not only at those exposed in the movement, but also at the entire society, at the zemstvos and at the press. However, repressions did not prevent the formation of secret societies and the preparation of further actions. The failures in the Japanese War gave the final impetus to public discontent, and it resulted in a number of revolutionary outbreaks. [Cm. Russian Revolution 1905-07.] Demonstrations were organized in cities, strikes in factories; political murders began (Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, Minister Plehve). A demonstration of unprecedented size took place in Petrograd on January 9, 1905: masses of workers converged on the Winter Palace with a petition to the Tsar and were dispersed using firearms. With this manifestation, an open revolutionary crisis began. The government made some concessions and expressed its readiness to create a legislative and advisory people's representation. However, this no longer satisfied the people: in the summer there were agrarian unrest and a number of uprisings in the fleet (Black Sea and Baltic), and in the fall (October) a general political strike began, stopping the normal life of the country (railroads, post office, telegraph, water pipes, trams). Under the pressure of unusual events, Emperor Nicholas II issued a manifesto on October 17, 1905, which granted the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of actual personal inviolability, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and unions; At the same time, the broad development of the beginning of general suffrage was promised and an unshakable rule was established so that no law could take effect without the approval of the State Duma and that those elected by the people would be provided with the opportunity to truly participate in monitoring the regularity of government actions.

“I’m not defending autocracy, but Russia”
Emperor Nicholas II

The basis of his rule by the Tsar-Martyr was the preservation of the principles of state. building, strengthening the church, granting prudent freedoms based on Christian morality, preserving the great-power authority of the Empire, increasing the general well-being of the population through broad economic and economic reforms, increasing the level of education and patriotic education of youth.
Russia was a huge territory, stretching across two continents - 1/2 of Europe and 1/3 of Asia, and was equal to 1/6 of the entire globe. The territorial area was 19,179,000 square versts, or about 8,320,000 sq. miles. Administratively, it was divided into 97 provinces and regions, divided, in turn, into 816 counties.

PUSH: Already from such small statistical data one can judge the scale and power of Russia. Natural resources, centuries-old traditions and the mighty spirit of the simple Russian people were concentrated in it, and governing such a Power naturally required from the ruler the same large-scale, competent actions and decisions as the country itself, on which the prosperity of the Empire would depend. Nicholas II took on his shoulders the heroic burden of responsibility to everyone who lived in Russia and beyond its borders. The future of the country was shaped by his decisions. Like any ordinary person, the Emperor made his mistakes and blunders, but the achievements that the State achieved during his reign were enormous, and they cannot be soiled or erased by pages of false documents and false memories, although the achievements for well-known reasons were relegated to the background, pluses like as if it didn't exist. As the intelligentsia of that time said, and in fact you can still hear it now, that under the last Emperor there was chaos and chaos everywhere. That it was Nicholas II who led the country to decline and revolution. Of course, such an opinion was beneficial for ambitious and selfish people, but the numbers and facts speak for themselves. Nicholas II's achievement statistics grew exponentially. Here are the main ones based on material taken from the work ":

Genius Russian scientist Dmitry Ivanovich Mendeleev , who was not only a chemist, but also an economist and statesman in his remarkable work " Towards knowledge of Russia ", published shortly before his death (in 1906), gives a detailed picture of Russian well-being. Based on statistical data from the All-Russian Population Census of 1897 and on the data of the Statistical Committee cited in his report" Movement of the population of European Russia in 1897" (in 1900).

POPULATION OF RUSSIA:

D.I. Mendeleev emphasizes that in 1897. The birth rate is 4.95%, the death rate is 3.14%, and the natural population increase is 1.81%. “I consider it not superfluous,” Mendeleev writes, to draw attention to the fact that such a natural increase as was found for 1897 (1.81%) is still unknown for any country.” Comparing the USA and Argentina, Mendeleev points out that the population growth of these countries is greater because it consists of natural growth increased by immigration of the population from other countries. At the same time, he points to the most prosperous country in this regard, Germany, where the annual population growth is 1.5%. Next, Mendeleev cites statistics from Ireland, where there is a clear population decline, and also points to a number of countries in which the population is gradually dying out. Such a country after the Great Revolution, corrupted by its revolutionary philosophy and the decline of morality, became France, whose population before World War I systematically decreased. Even after the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine, the trend towards extinction among the French continued. For example, in 1935, the mortality rate here exceeded the birth rate by 26,476 people.

Did the Russian intelligentsia, carried away by Western ideas, know about all this? Do Russian intellectuals from among the detractors of the Tsar and Tsarist Russia, who after the revolution found themselves in the position of refugees abroad, know about this?

In his mentioned work, Mendeleev calculates that if, as a precaution, we take 1.5% instead of 1.81% for the population growth of Russia, then in 1950 it will be 282.7 million people. According to Soviet statistics, the total population of the Soviet Union was in 1967 the figure was 235 million, whereas, according to Mendeleev’s calculations, it should have reached a figure of 360 million, at a minimum. This is a “deficit” in the population of Russia, equal to 125 million people! According to Soviet statistics, population growth for 1967 is 1.11% Something to think about.

“In Russia every year,” Mendeleev reports, “2,000,000 inhabitants arrive, that is, at every minute of the day and night, the total number of births in Russia exceeds the number of deaths by 4 people.”

In the future, the great Russian scientist draws the attention of the Russian public to the growth of the population, which by the year 2000 should reach 600,000,000 souls. Based on this, Mendeleev comes to the conclusion that in order to ensure and increase the well-being of the population, it is necessary to increase the growth of domestic industry, engage in land management, and increase the productivity of agriculture and labor in general. Based on the results of the census data on population movements, he comes to the firm conclusion that this issue is correctly raised and interpreted by the imperial government, as evidenced by the more rapid growth of the urban population at the expense of the rural population and the growth of peasant land ownership.

INDUSTRY

Regarding our industry, Mendeleev points out that the paper spinning industry has conquered all markets in Asia without any competition. He points out that the export of excellent quality and very cheap paper spinning products, such as calico, calico, satin, “devil's leather”, etc. completely replaced the same goods of English industry in China and other Asian countries, including India.

Exports abroad of sugar, tobacco, cigarettes, vodka products, caviar, fish and other canned goods reach impressive proportions.

“Every Russian who has traveled abroad,” writes Mendeleev, “knows that in Russia, candy products of all kinds, from simple caramels and jam to premium sweets, are not only better than anywhere else, but also cheaper."

For my part (writes N. Obruchev, the author of these memoirs) I cannot help but point out and I am sure that everyone who lived in Imperial Russia will confirm that the kind of lemonades that were made there, in terms of quality and taste, are not found anywhere abroad was and is not and now; Especially in this regard, Moscow ones stood out: “Fruit waters” by Lanin and “Citro” and “Cranberry” by Kalinin.

Our Prokhorov canned food, which produced Little Russian borscht, pike perch in Mayonnaise, fried partridge and grouse, sweet peas, etc., fruit and fish canned food: sprats, sprat, mackerel were and, even in the past, still remain out of competition, so the same as different types of caviar, cigarettes, tobacco and vodka.

Statistics for the 20 years of the reign of the Tsar-Martyr provide the following information: the development of industry in Russia took giant strides - in 1914 in Russia there were 14,000 large factories and factories, which already employed about 2,500,000 workers, producing goods with a total value of about 5 billion .gold rubles. In addition, a handicraft industry was developed, in which several million mainly land-poor peasants took part, engaged in this craft as an aid to agriculture. Handicraftsmen made knives, scissors, shoes, felt boots, pottery, furniture, toys and many artistic products from ivory, silver and wood.

The Vladimir province was famous for icon painting, the Caucasus for weapons and all kinds of decorations, Bukhara, Khiva and Turkestan for carpets, Great Russia and Little Russia for embroidery, Belarus for cloth and the finest linen, Yaroslavl province for felt boots and short fur coats, etc. In Russia, 30,000 fairs were held annually, of which the most famous were the international fairs in Nizhny Novgorod.

PEASANTRY

The Tsar-Martyr was a reasonable Russian patriot and in every possible way patronized Russian culture, industry, agriculture, and the growth of public and private finance.

Nicholas II's love for the common people was not abstract: he systematically sought to improve their life and well-being; a number of legislations and reforms carried out on their basis testify to this. This was especially evident in his reforms concerning the land management of peasants. He understood well what the theorists of socialism, who put forward the demagogic slogan “All the land for the peasants,” did not understand. The Martyr Tsar was clearly aware that the division of all the land equally was utopian and would inevitably lead to agricultural production. the country's production into a catastrophic state in the coming decades. Only illiterate people and irresponsible demagogues could talk about the division of agricultural land. In 1914, over the entire area of ​​19,179,000 square meters of Russia. versts, there were 182.5 million inhabitants. If we divided the entire area of ​​Russia equally, then on average it would be 10.95 dessiatines per capita. And the total number of these tithes included areas occupied by settlements, railways and other roads, lakes, swamps, mountains and vast expanses of deserts, tundras and forests. The sovereign was well aware of this, but fundamental reforms were actually needed to improve agricultural products. This required the destruction of communal ownership and striping (i.e., the arrangement of land plots of one household in strips interspersed with the plots of others).

The Tsar's conviction about the need for such a reform was shared by the greatest minds of Russia: prof. DI. Mendeleev, Adjutant General N.N. Obruchev, prof. N.H. Bunge, Prof. D.I.Pestrzhetsky, ministers D.S. Sinyagin and P.A. Stolypin, who began to implement this reform.

It is interesting to note what S.Yu. writes about this in his memoirs. Witte. “I must say that, on the one hand, I have not yet fully studied the peasant question regarding the advantages of this or that method of peasant ownership of land, I have not established a final view for myself.” And then we read - “Thus, I did not speak out either for the community or for personal ownership, but found that it would be more prudent until the peasant question in its entirety was clarified, to suspend the effect of the article.”

As we see, land management reforms were delayed not without the influential participation of Witte, who subsequently did not stop at the end of his memoirs from reproaching the Sovereign and the government for the LATE implementation of reforms. This kind of casuistry is very characteristic of Witte and is repeated several times in his memoirs.

It is hardly worth mentioning that as a result of the complete revolution, all the estates of the landowners were not only not divided among the peasants, but were renamed in the same form and in the same area into Soviet farms - “state farms”, while the peasants lost their property, both private and communal.

This was not the case under the Imperial government, which, on the initiative of the Tsar-Martyr, carried out a number of reforms aimed at improving the life of the peasants. Providing for land-poor and landless peasants was a subject of special concern to the government. Since 1906, intensive resettlement of peasants to Siberia began. The transportation of settlers was carried out at the expense of the treasury. The Land Management Commission and the Resettlement Administration issued loans and allowances to such peasants for starting a farm. In Asian Russia, land was allocated for the resettlement of peasants that was exclusively suitable for agriculture and in a zone whose climate was the mildest and healthiest.

Russia by 1917 was a completely peasant country to a greater extent than any of the European countries. On the eve of the revolution, peasants owned all the arable land in Asian Russia and 80% of it in European Russia.

Improving agriculture, in other words, improving the life and economic well-being of 75% of the entire population of Russia was the constant concern of the Tsar-Martyr. Simultaneously with the land management reforms, a lot was done to improve agriculture and increase agricultural production. The number of primary, secondary and higher agricultural educational institutions grew rapidly.

Many varieties of fruit trees, vegetables, berries and cereals were bred in Russia. The famous Russian scientist Michurin achieved especially much in this field. Turkestan and Caucasian peaches, grapes, apricots, pears and plums were the best in the world. Black Sea prunes replaced the famous French prunes in the last years before the revolution. Winemaking grew; Russian Crimean and Caucasian wines, Don champagne, specific "Abrau-Durso", if not superior, then not inferior in quality to French. New breeds of cattle and horses were bred.

According to the examinations of Prof. DI. Mendeleev's climate in Russia was the least favorable for agriculture among all European countries. Agriculture especially suffered from droughts, when, under the influence of the wind blowing from the southeastern deserts of Asia, the entire crop of the Volga region, southeast and south of Russia was burned on the vine. Such droughts sometimes occurred for 3 years in a row.

“Before the revolution,” writes Prof. Pestrzhetsky, “in 46 provinces there were 84 thousand public-peasant grain stores. On January 1, 1917, the stocks of barley, rye and wheat in stores were 190,456,411 poods - and this is only in grain stores, not to mention other bins!

According to statistical information for 1912, the Russian Empire consisted of -

35,300,000 horses - the USA was in second place (23,015,902 horses)
51,900,000 cattle - we were in second place after the USA (613,682,648)
84,500,000 sheep - we took second place in world production after Australia (85,057,402 heads)

Tsarist Russia was the breadbasket of Europe. “On average for 1909-1913,” reports Prof. Pestrzhetsky, “grain production in Russia amounted to 75,114,895 tons per year. In all other countries of the Old and New Worlds, 360,879,000 tons were collected together with rice. Thus, grain Russia's products accounted for 21% of the world's production, and Russia exported more grain, flour, and seeds than the United States and Argentina combined.

PUSH: It is interesting here to recall the words of W. Churchill, who once said:
“I always thought that I would die of old age. But when Russia, which once fed all of Europe, began to buy bread, I realized that I would die of laughter.” Now he would have a great laugh.

But let's continue further. In Russia, flour milling was very developed and 10 varieties of flour were produced, at a time when only 4 varieties were produced in Europe. Russia delivered 3.5 billion eggs to Europe. Sugar production was in first place in Europe, the textile industry was in fourth place in the world after England, Germany and the USA. They started their own rice and tea plantations.

SCIENCE AND EDUCATION

Public education, patriotic education and the development of sports were the subjects of the tireless care of the Tsar-Martyr. In terms of the number of women studying in higher educational institutions, Russia ranked first in the world. The educational rate in Russia was very high, like nowhere else in the world.

Public education in Russia during the reign of Emperor Nicholas II developed rapidly. The public education budget from 40,000,000 rubles. in 1894 reached 400,000,000 million rubles in 1914. Tuition fees at Russian universities were exceptionally low compared to foreign ones - 50 rubles per year. Students from peasant, working and poor families were exempt from tuition fees and received scholarships. Higher education was not the exclusive privilege of the wealthy class, as it was abroad. Education in primary schools was generally free. Students and students in secondary educational institutions (high school) had the opportunity to earn money through intellectual labor, mainly through lessons. In Imperial Russia there was never such a situation for a student or student of a secondary educational institution to work in a factory, sweep the streets or work as a laborer.

In the 11th book of the "Bulletin of Europe" for 1913. the former leader of the Trudovik faction of the First State Duma, I. Zhilkin, wrote: “Again, one significant feature emerges more and more prominently - the cause of public education is growing spontaneously.<...>An enormous fact is taking place: Russia from being illiterate is becoming literate... The entire soil of the vast Russian plain seemed to part and accept the seeds of education - and immediately the entire space turned green and the young shoots began to rustle.”

In 1906 State Duma and State The Council adopted a bill on the introduction of universal education in Russia!!! This reform in the field of public education was supposed to be completed in 1922 and required an increase in the population of residents by 171,918 people. In this regard, 10,000 primary schools were built in Russia annually and 60 secondary educational institutions were opened.

In 1909 In Tsarskoe Selo, the first squad of Russian scouts (scouts) was founded, in which the Heir Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich was enrolled.

ECONOMY

During the reign of Nicholas II, as in the United States of that time, there was no income tax. In general, taxation in Russia was the lowest compared to other great powers of Europe.

According to statistical data for 1912:

TAXES IN RUBLES PER CAPITA WERE

Despite this, Russian government revenues increased from 1,410,000,000 gold rubles in 1897 to 3,417,000,000 gold rubles in 1913. The gold reserves of the State Bank increased from 300,000,000 rubles in 1894 to 1,600,000,000 rubles in 1914. The amount of the State budget from 950,000,000 gold rubles in 1894. increased to 3,500,000,000 gold. rubles in 1914 DURING ALL THIS TIME, THE STATE BUDGET OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE HAD NO DEFICIT.

The Emperor patronized domestic investment and was an adamant opponent of foreign investment. The sovereign understood perfectly well what negative impact foreign capital could have on the foreign and domestic policies of Russia and on its national economic development.

What do we read on this issue in the memoirs of S.Yu. Witte, who always changes his gloves according to the blow of the wind: “It seems to me that this lack of sympathy came directly from the fact that the Sovereign - not closely familiar with financial science - was afraid that through this There is no way to bring significant foreign influence into Russia." More educated than Witte, possessing greater statesmanship, which Witte did not have, and more far-sighted than Witte assumed, the Tsar knew for sure that the conquering appetites of the international imperialists were satisfied not so much by guns and generals, but by financiers and their gold.

And, despite restrictions on foreign capital, Russia's economic prosperity, and in particular its industry, grew rapidly. “Since the end of the 19th century,” writes LENIN, “the industrial development of Russia has occurred faster than in any other country.” Here are the words of the main culprit, from whom everything came, even he adequately appreciated the GREAT merits of Nicholas II in the successful management of a huge country!

Cooperation was greatly encouraged in Russia, and in this regard Russia, perhaps, also ranked first in the world. In 1914 there were 45,000 cooperative savings banks in Russia and probably about 30,000 shops.

LABOR LEGISLATION

The interests of workers were protected by special legislation. Mandatory paybooks were introduced, in which hours of work and earnings were entered, work for minors was prohibited, teenagers from 14 to 16 years old could not work more than 8 hours, and an 11-hour working day was established for men. Night work in factories was prohibited for women and male teenagers under 17 years of age. On December 12, 1904, state regulation was introduced. workers' insurance, such a law did not exist in the United States for a very long time.

The zemstvos provided the rural and urban population with free medical care and free treatment in hospitals. The Russian doctor never refused to see a patient, either day or night. THE FIRST COUNTRY IN THE WORLD TO ESTABLISH A DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC HEALTH WAS RUSSIA.

Did the pre-revolutionary intelligentsia and semi-intelligentsia in Russia know about this, their revolutionary activities undermined the well-being and very existence of Russia?

CHURCH TRANSFORMATIONS

The Tsar-Martyr brought a living current into the religious and church life of Russia. During his reign glorifications took place: Rev. Seraphim of Sarov, Saint Theodosius of Uglitsky, Holy Martyr Isidore, Holy. Pitirim, Bishop of Tambov and many others. Missionary activity intensified. In July 1908 The All-Russian Missionary Congress took place in Kiev, at which measures to combat the Judaizing sect of “Seventh-day Adventists” that had penetrated into Russia from the United States in the 80s of the 19th century were discussed. At the same time, means of combating developing atheism and socialism were discussed here. At the Orthodox Mission in Jerusalem, the Imperial Palestine Society was established to this day. This society organized cheap passages for pilgrims to the Holy Land.

Temple building grew, most of which included donations made by the Imperial Family. During the reign of Nicholas II, churches were built mainly with money donated by him in New York, Buenos Aires, Cannes, Vienna, Nice, Leipzig and many other cities of the world. The church and religious-moral press expanded. By the end of the reign of Nicholas II, each diocese published its own “Diocesan Gazette”. The number of Orthodox Christians from 15 million under the Imp. Peter I increased to 115 million or more by the end of the reign of Emperor Nicholas II: in 1908 there were 51,413 churches in Russia.

Nicholas II accomplished a work of state structure that was grandiose in size. The well-being of Russia during his reign very quickly reached unprecedented heights. But this was not easy for him, since not a single layer of society had either understanding or sympathy for the Great Power policy of Russia. The exception was a small percentage of people in educated society. Even among his many ministers, the Emperor did not meet with sympathy, and often he had to overcome the resistance of some of them in carrying out his policies and necessary measures. In this regard, S.Yu. especially stood out. Witte, who, being a fan of some of his own controversial policies, was an opponent of the great power policy of Russia. ( N. Obruchev "The True Appearance of the Tsar-Martyr as a Man, a Christian and a Monarch" ")

Material taken from the book - Nicholas II in memoirs and testimonies. - M.: Veche, 2008. - 352 p.: ill.

NICHOLAY II Alexandrovich, the last Russian emperor (1894-1917), eldest son of Emperor Alexander III Alexandrovich and Empress Maria Feodorovna, honorary member of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences (1876).

His reign coincided with the rapid industrial and economic development of the country. Under Nicholas II, Russia was defeated in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-05, which was one of the reasons for the Revolution of 1905-1907, during which the Manifesto of October 17, 1905 was adopted, which allowed the creation of political parties and established the State Duma; The Stolypin agrarian reform began to be implemented. In 1907, Russia became a member of the Entente, as part of which it entered the First World War. Since August (September 5), 1915, Supreme Commander-in-Chief. During the February Revolution of 1917, on March 2 (15), he abdicated the throne. Shot along with his family. In 2000 he was canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church.

Childhood. Education

Nikolai's regular homework began when he was 8 years old. The curriculum included an eight-year general education course and a five-year course in higher sciences. It was based on a modified classical gymnasium program; Instead of Latin and Greek, mineralogy, botany, zoology, anatomy and physiology were studied. Courses in history, Russian literature and foreign languages ​​were expanded. The cycle of higher education included political economy, law and military affairs (military jurisprudence, strategy, military geography, service of the General Staff). Classes in vaulting, fencing, drawing, and music were also conducted. Alexander III and Maria Feodorovna themselves selected teachers and mentors. Among them were scientists, statesmen and military figures: K. P. Pobedonostsev, N. Kh. Bunge, M. I. Dragomirov, N. N. Obruchev, A. R. Drenteln, N. K. Girs.

Carier start

From an early age, Nikolai felt a craving for military affairs: he knew the traditions of the officer environment and military regulations perfectly, in relation to the soldiers he felt like a patron-mentor and did not shy away from communicating with them, and resignedly endured the inconveniences of army everyday life at camp gatherings or maneuvers.

Immediately after his birth, he was enrolled in the lists of several guards regiments and appointed chief of the 65th Moscow Infantry Regiment. At the age of five he was appointed chief of the Life Guards of the Reserve Infantry Regiment, and in 1875 he was enlisted in the Erivan Life Guards Regiment. In December 1875 he received his first military rank - ensign, and in 1880 he was promoted to second lieutenant, and 4 years later he became a lieutenant.

In 1884, Nikolai entered active military service, in July 1887 he began regular military service in the Preobrazhensky Regiment and was promoted to staff captain; in 1891 Nikolai received the rank of captain, and a year later - colonel.

On the throne

On October 20, 1894, at the age of 26, he accepted the crown in Moscow under the name of Nicholas II. On May 18, 1896, during the coronation celebrations, tragic events occurred on Khodynskoye Field (in the northwestern part of Moscow, at the beginning of modern Leningradsky Prospekt) during the distribution of royal gifts on the occasion of the coronation of Nicholas II. Due to the negligence of the authorities, a stampede occurred; According to official data, 1,389 people were killed and 1,300 were maimed.

His reign occurred during a period of sharp aggravation of the political struggle in the country, as well as the foreign policy situation (Russian-Japanese War of 1904-05; Bloody Sunday; Revolution of 1905-07 in Russia; World War I; February Revolution of 1917).

During the reign of Nicholas, Russia turned into an agrarian-industrial country, cities grew, railways and industrial enterprises were built. Nicholas supported decisions aimed at the economic and social modernization of the country: the introduction of gold circulation of the ruble, Stolypin's agrarian reform, laws on workers' insurance, universal primary education, and religious tolerance.

Not being a reformer by nature, Nikolai was forced to make important decisions that did not correspond to his inner convictions. He believed that in Russia the time had not yet come for a constitution, freedom of speech, and universal suffrage. However, when a strong social movement in favor of political change arose, he signed the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, proclaiming democratic freedoms.

In 1906, the State Duma, established by the Tsar's manifesto, began to work. For the first time in Russian history, the emperor began to rule with a representative body elected by the population. Russia gradually began to transform into a constitutional monarchy. But, despite this, the emperor still had enormous power functions: he had the right to issue laws (in the form of decrees); appoint a prime minister and ministers accountable only to him; determine the course of foreign policy; was the head of the army, court and earthly patron of the Russian Orthodox Church.

Personality of Nicholas II

The personality of Nicholas II, the main traits of his character, advantages and disadvantages caused conflicting assessments of his contemporaries. Many noted “weak will” as the dominant feature of his personality, although there is a lot of evidence that the tsar was distinguished by a persistent desire to implement his intentions, often reaching the point of stubbornness (only once was someone else’s will imposed on him - Manifesto of October 17, 1905). Unlike his father Alexander III, Nicholas did not give the impression of a strong personality. At the same time, according to the reviews of people who knew him closely, he had exceptional self-control, which was sometimes perceived as indifference to the fate of the country and people (for example, he met the news of the fall of Port Arthur or the defeats of the Russian army during the First World War with composure, striking the royal entourage). In dealing with state affairs, the tsar showed “extraordinary perseverance” and accuracy (he, for example, never had a personal secretary and himself stamped letters), although in general the rule of a huge empire was a “heavy burden” for him. Contemporaries noted that Nikolai had a tenacious memory, keen powers of observation, and was a modest, friendly and sensitive person. At the same time, most of all he valued his peace, habits, health and especially the well-being of his family.

Emperor's family

Nicholas's support was his family. Empress Alexandra Feodorovna (nee Princess Alice of Hesse-Darmstadt) was not only a wife for the Tsar, but also a friend and adviser. The habits, ideas and cultural interests of the spouses largely coincided. They got married on November 14, 1894. They had five children: Olga (1895-1918), Tatiana (1897-1918), Maria (1899-1918), Anastasia (1901-1918), Alexey (1904-1918).

The fatal drama of the royal family was associated with the incurable illness of Alexei's son - hemophilia (incoagulability of blood). The illness led to the appearance in the royal house of Grigory Rasputin, who, even before meeting the crowned kings, became famous for his gift of foresight and healing; he repeatedly helped Alexei overcome attacks of illness.

World War I

The turning point in the fate of Nicholas was 1914 - the beginning of the First World War. The tsar did not want war and until the very last moment tried to avoid a bloody conflict. However, on July 19 (August 1), 1914, Germany declared war on Russia.

In August (September 5) 1915, during a period of military failures, Nicholas took over military command [previously this position was held by Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (the Younger)]. Now the tsar visited the capital only occasionally, and spent most of his time at the headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in Mogilev.

The war exacerbated the country's internal problems. The tsar and his entourage began to be held primarily responsible for military failures and the protracted military campaign. Allegations spread that there was “treason in the government.” At the beginning of 1917, the high military command led by the Tsar (together with allies - England and France) prepared a plan for a general offensive, according to which it was planned to end the war by the summer of 1917.

Abdication of the throne. Execution of the royal family

At the end of February 1917, unrest began in Petrograd, which, without encountering serious opposition from the authorities, a few days later grew into mass protests against the government and the dynasty. Initially, the tsar intended to restore order in Petrograd by force, but when the scale of the unrest became clear, he abandoned this idea, fearing much bloodshed. Some high-ranking military officials, members of the imperial retinue and political figures convinced the king that in order to pacify the country, a change in government was required, his abdication of the throne was necessary. On March 2, 1917, in Pskov, in the lounge carriage of the imperial train, after painful deliberation, Nicholas signed an act of abdication, transferring power to his brother Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, who did not accept the crown.

On March 9, Nicholas and the royal family were arrested. For the first five months they were under guard in Tsarskoe Selo; in August 1917 they were transported to Tobolsk. In April 1918, the Bolsheviks transferred the Romanovs to Yekaterinburg. On the night of July 17, 1918, in the center of Yekaterinburg, in the basement of the Ipatiev house, where the prisoners were imprisoned, Nicholas, the queen, five of their children and several close associates (11 people in total) were shot without trial or investigation. Canonized together with his family by the Russian Church Abroad.

Nicholas 2 - the last emperor of the Russian Empire (May 18, 1868 - July 17, 1918). He received an excellent education, spoke several foreign languages ​​perfectly, and rose to the rank of colonel in the Russian army, as well as admiral of the fleet and field marshal of the British army. He became emperor after the sudden death of his father - the accession to the throne of Nicholas 2, when Nicholas was only 26.

Brief biography of Nicholas 2

From childhood, Nicholas was trained as a future ruler - he was engaged in a deep study of economics, geography, politics and languages. He achieved great success in military affairs, to which he had a penchant. In 1894, just a month after his father’s death, he married the German Princess Alice of Hesse (Alexandra Fedorovna). Two years later (May 26, 1896) the official coronation of Nicholas 2 and his wife took place. The coronation took place in an atmosphere of mourning; in addition, due to the huge number of people wishing to attend the ceremony, many people died in the stampede.

Children of Nicholas 2: daughters Olga (November 3, 1895), Tatyana (May 29, 1897), Maria (June 14, 1899) and Anastasia (June 5, 1901), as well as son Alexey (August 2, 1904 .). Despite the fact that the boy was diagnosed with a serious illness - hemophilia (incoagulability of blood) - he was prepared to rule as the only heir.

Russia under Nicholas 2 was in a stage of economic recovery, despite this, the political situation worsened. Nicholas's failure as a politician led to internal tensions growing in the country. As a result, after a meeting of workers marching to the Tsar was brutally dispersed on January 9, 1905 (the event was called “Bloody Sunday”), the first Russian Revolution of 1905-1907 broke out in the Russian Empire. The result of the revolution was the manifesto “On the Improvement of State Order,” which limited the power of the tsar and gave the people civil liberties. Due to all the events that occurred during his reign, the tsar received the nickname Nicholas 2 the Bloody.

In 1914, the First World War began, which negatively affected the state of the Russian Empire and only aggravated internal political tension. The failures of Nicholas 2 in the war led to an uprising breaking out in Petrograd in 1917, as a result of which the tsar voluntarily abdicated the throne. The date of abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne is March 2, 1917.

Years of reign of Nicholas 2 - 1896 - 1917.

In March 1917, the entire royal family was arrested and later sent into exile. The execution of Nicholas 2 and his family occurred on the night of July 16-17.

In 1980, members of the royal family were canonized by the foreign church, and then, in 2000, by the Russian Orthodox Church.

Politics of Nicholas 2

Under Nicholas, many reforms were carried out. The main reforms of Nicholas 2:

• Agrarian. Assignment of land not to the community, but to private peasant owners;
• Military. Army reform after defeat in the Russo-Japanese War;
• Management. The State Duma was created, the people received civil rights.

Results of the reign of Nicholas 2

• The growth of agriculture, ridding the country of hunger;
• Growth of economy, industry and culture;
• Growing tension in domestic politics, which led to revolution and a change in the government system.

With the death of Nicholas 2 came the end of the Russian Empire and the monarchy in Russia.

Attitudes towards the personality of the last Russian emperor are so ambiguous that there simply cannot be a consensus on the results of his reign.
When they talk about Nicholas II, two polar points of view are immediately identified: Orthodox-patriotic and liberal-democratic. For the first, Nicholas II and his family are an ideal of morality, an image of martyrdom; his reign is the highest point of Russian economic development in its entire history. For others, Nicholas II is a weak personality, a weak-willed man who failed to protect the country from revolutionary madness, who was entirely under the influence of his wife and Rasputin; Russia during his reign is seen as economically backward.

The purpose of this article is not to convince or change anyone's mind, but let's consider both points of view and draw our own conclusions.

Orthodox-patriotic point of view

In the 1950s, a report by the Russian writer Boris Lvovich Brazol (1885-1963) appeared in the Russian diaspora. During World War I he worked for Russian military intelligence.

Brasol's report is called “The Reign of Emperor Nicholas II in Figures and Facts. A response to slanderers, dismemberers and Russophobes.”

At the beginning of this report there is a quote from the famous economist of the time, Edmond Thery: “If the affairs of European nations go from 1912 to 1950 in the same way as they went from 1900 to 1912, Russia by the middle of this century will dominate Europe both politically and both economically and financially." (Economist Europeen magazine, 1913).

Let us present some data from this report.

On the eve of the First World War, the population of the Russian Empire was 182 million people, and during the reign of Emperor Nicholas II it increased by 60 million.

Imperial Russia based its fiscal policy not only on deficit-free budgets, but also on the principle of significant accumulation of gold reserves.

During the reign of Emperor Nicholas II, by law of 1896, gold currency was introduced in Russia. The stability of monetary circulation was such that even during the Russo-Japanese War, which was accompanied by widespread revolutionary unrest within the country, the exchange of banknotes for gold was not suspended.

Before World War I, taxes in Russia were the lowest in the world. The burden of direct taxes in Russia was almost 4 times less than in France, more than 4 times less than in Germany and 8.5 times less than in England. The burden of indirect taxes in Russia was on average half as much as in Austria, France, Germany and England.

I. Repin "Emperor Nicholas II"

Between 1890 and 1913 Russian industry increased its productivity fourfold. Moreover, it should be noted that the increase in the number of new enterprises was achieved not due to the emergence of fly-by-night companies, as in modern Russia, but due to actually working factories and factories that produced products and created jobs.

In 1914, the State Savings Bank had deposits worth 2,236,000,000 rubles, i.e. 1.9 times more than in 1908.

These indicators are extremely important for understanding that the population of Russia was by no means poor and saved a significant part of their income.

On the eve of the revolution, Russian agriculture was in full bloom. In 1913, the harvest of major cereals in Russia was one-third higher than that of Argentina, Canada and the United States of America combined. In particular, the rye harvest in 1894 yielded 2 billion poods, and in 1913 - 4 billion poods.

During the reign of Emperor Nicholas II, Russia was the main breadwinner of Western Europe. At the same time, special attention is drawn to the phenomenal growth in the export of agricultural products from Russia to England (grain and flour). In 1908, 858.3 million pounds were exported, and in 1910, 2.8 million pounds, i.e. 3.3 times.

Russia supplied 50% of the world's egg imports. In 1908, 2.6 billion pieces worth 54.9 million rubles were exported from Russia, and in 1909 - 2.8 million pieces. worth 62.2 million rubles. The export of rye in 1894 amounted to 2 billion poods, in 1913: 4 billion poods. Sugar consumption during the same period of time increased from 4 to 9 kg per year per person (at that time sugar was a very expensive product).

On the eve of World War I, Russia produced 80% of the world's flax production.

Modern Russia is practically dependent on the West for food.

In 1916, i.e., at the very height of the war, more than 2,000 miles of railways were built, which connected the Arctic Ocean (port of Romanovsk) with the center of Russia. The Great Siberian Road (8,536 km) was the longest in the world.

It should be added that Russian railways, compared to others, were the cheapest and most comfortable in the world for passengers.

During the reign of Emperor Nicholas II, public education achieved extraordinary development. Primary education was free by law, and from 1908 it became compulsory. Since this year, about 10,000 schools have been opened annually. In 1913 their number exceeded 130,000. In terms of the number of women studying in higher educational institutions, Russia ranked first in Europe, if not in the whole world, at the beginning of the 20th century.

During the reign of Sovereign Nicholas II, the government of Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin carried out one of the most significant and most brilliant reforms in Russia - the agrarian reform. This reform is associated with the transition of the form of ownership of land and land production from communal to private land. On November 9, 1906, the so-called “Stolypin Law” was issued, which allowed the peasant to leave the Community and become the individual and hereditary owner of the land he cultivated. This law was a huge success. Immediately, 2.5 million requests for release from family farmers were submitted. Thus, on the eve of the revolution, Russia was already ready to turn into a country of property owners.

For the period 1886-1913. Russia's exports amounted to 23.5 billion rubles, imports - 17.7 billion rubles.

Foreign investment in the period from 1887 to 1913 increased from 177 million rubles. up to 1.9 billion rubles, i.e. increased by 10.7 times. Moreover, these investments were directed into capital-intensive production and created new jobs. However, what is very important, Russian industry was not dependent on foreigners. Enterprises with foreign investment accounted for only 14% of the total capital of Russian enterprises.

The abdication of Nicholas II from the throne was the greatest tragedy in the thousand-year history of Russia. With the fall of autocracy, the history of Russia slid down the path of unprecedented atrocity of regicide, the enslavement of many millions of people and the death of the greatest Russian Empire in the world, the very existence of which was the key to global political balance.

By the definition of the Council of Bishops from March 31 to April 4, 1992, the Synodal Commission for the Canonization of Saints was instructed “in studying the exploits of the new Russian martyrs to begin researching materials related to the martyrdom of the Royal Family.”

Excerpts from " GROUNDS FOR CANONIZATION OF THE ROYAL FAMILY
FROM THE REPORT OF METROPOLITAN JUVENALIY OF KRUTITSKY AND KOLOMENSKY,
CHAIRMAN OF THE SYNODAL COMMISSION FOR THE CANONIZATION OF SAINTS.”

“As a politician and statesman, the Emperor acted based on his religious and moral principles. One of the most common arguments against the canonization of Emperor Nicholas II is the events of January 9, 1905 in St. Petersburg. In the historical information of the Commission on this issue, we indicate: having become acquainted on the evening of January 8 with the contents of Gapon’s petition, which had the nature of a revolutionary ultimatum, which did not allow entering into constructive negotiations with representatives of the workers, the Sovereign ignored this document, illegal in form and undermining the prestige of the already wavering in the conditions wars of state power. Throughout January 9, 1905, the Sovereign did not make a single decision that determined the actions of the authorities in St. Petersburg to suppress mass protests by workers. The order for the troops to open fire was given not by the Emperor, but by the Commander of the St. Petersburg Military District. Historical data does not allow us to detect in the actions of the Sovereign in the January days of 1905 a conscious evil will directed against the people and embodied in specific sinful decisions and actions.

Since the beginning of the First World War, the Tsar regularly travels to Headquarters, visiting military units of the active army, dressing stations, military hospitals, rear factories, in a word, everything that played a role in the conduct of this war.

From the very beginning of the war, the Empress devoted herself to the wounded. Having completed nursing courses together with her eldest daughters, Grand Duchesses Olga and Tatiana, she spent several hours a day caring for the wounded in the Tsarskoye Selo infirmary.

The Emperor viewed his tenure as Supreme Commander-in-Chief as the fulfillment of a moral and national duty to God and the people, however, always presenting leading military specialists with a broad initiative in resolving the entire range of military-strategic and operational-tactical issues.

The Commission expresses the opinion that the very fact of the abdication of the Throne of Emperor Nicholas II, which is directly related to his personal qualities, is generally an expression of the then historical situation in Russia.

He made this decision only in the hope that those who wanted to remove him would still be able to continue the war with honor and would not ruin the cause of saving Russia. He was afraid then that his refusal to sign the renunciation would lead to civil war in the sight of the enemy. The Tsar did not want even a drop of Russian blood to be shed because of him.

The spiritual motives for which the last Russian Sovereign, who did not want to shed the blood of his subjects, decided to abdicate the Throne in the name of internal peace in Russia, give his action a truly moral character. It is no coincidence that during the discussion in July 1918 at the Council of the Local Council of the question of the funeral commemoration of the murdered Sovereign, His Holiness Patriarch Tikhon made a decision on the widespread service of memorial services with the commemoration of Nicholas II as Emperor.

Behind the many sufferings endured by the Royal Family over the last 17 months of their lives, which ended with execution in the basement of the Ekaterinburg Ipatiev House on the night of July 17, 1918, we see people who sincerely sought to embody the commandments of the Gospel in their lives. In the suffering endured by the Royal Family in captivity with meekness, patience and humility, in their martyrdom, the evil-conquering light of Christ's faith was revealed, just as it shone in the life and death of millions of Orthodox Christians who suffered persecution for Christ in the twentieth century.

It is in understanding this feat of the Royal Family that the Commission, in complete unanimity and with the approval of the Holy Synod, finds it possible to glorify in the Council the new martyrs and confessors of Russia in the guise of the passion-bearers Emperor Nicholas II, Empress Alexandra, Tsarevich Alexy, Grand Duchesses Olga, Tatiana, Maria and Anastasia.”

Liberal Democratic point of view

When Nicholas II came to power, he had no program other than the firm intention not to cede his autocratic power, which his father had handed over to him. He always made decisions alone: ​​“How can I do this if it’s against my conscience?” - this was the basis on which he made his political decisions or rejected the options offered to him. He continued to pursue the contradictory policies of his father: on the one hand, he tried to achieve social and political stabilization from above by preserving the old class-state structures, on the other, the industrialization policy pursued by the Minister of Finance led to enormous social dynamics. The Russian nobility launched a massive offensive against the state's economic policy of industrialization. Having removed Witte, the tsar did not know where to go. Despite some reform steps (for example, the abolition of corporal punishment of peasants), the tsar, under the influence of the new Minister of Internal Affairs Plehve, decided in favor of a policy of fully preserving the social structure of the peasantry (preserving the community), although the kulak elements, that is, the richer peasants, had an easier exit from peasant community. The Tsar and the ministers did not consider reforms necessary in other areas either: on the labor issue, only a few minor concessions were made; Instead of guaranteeing the right to strike, the government continued repression. The tsar could not satisfy anyone with his policy of stagnation and repression, which at the same time cautiously continued the economic policy he had begun.

At a meeting of zemstvo representatives on November 20, 1904, the majority demanded a constitutional regime. The forces of the progressive landed nobility, rural intelligentsia, city government and broad circles of urban intelligentsia, united in opposition, began to demand the introduction of parliament in the state. They were joined by St. Petersburg workers, who were allowed to form an independent association, headed by priest Gapon, and they wanted to submit a petition to the tsar. The lack of overall leadership under the already effectively dismissed Minister of the Interior and the Tsar, who, like most ministers, did not understand the seriousness of the situation, led to the disaster of Bloody Sunday on January 9, 1905. Army officers, who were supposed to restrain the crowd, in a panic ordered to shoot at civilians to people. 100 people were killed and more than 1,000 are believed to have been wounded. Workers and intellectuals responded with strikes and protest demonstrations. Although the workers for the most part put forward purely economic demands and revolutionary parties could not play an important role either in the movement led by Gapon or in the strikes that followed Bloody Sunday, a revolution began in Russia.
When the revolutionary and opposition movement in October 1905 reached its climax - a general strike that practically paralyzed the country, the tsar was forced to again turn to his former Minister of the Interior, who, thanks to the very beneficial peace treaty for Russia that he concluded with the Japanese in Portsmouth ( USA), gained universal respect. Witte explained to the Tsar that he either had to appoint a dictator who would brutally fight the revolution, or he had to guarantee bourgeois freedoms and elected legislative power. Nicholas did not want to drown the revolution in blood. Thus, the fundamental problem of constitutional monarchies - creating a balance of power - was exacerbated by the actions of the prime minister. The October Manifesto (10/17/1905) promised bourgeois freedoms, an elected assembly with legislative powers, expansion of suffrage and, indirectly, equality of religions and nationalities, but did not bring the country the pacification that the tsar expected. Rather, it caused serious unrest, which broke out as a result of clashes between forces loyal to the tsar and revolutionary forces, and led in many regions of the country to pogroms directed not only against the Jewish population, but also against representatives of the intelligentsia. The development of events since 1905 has become irreversible.

However, there were positive changes in other areas that were not blocked at the political macro level. The rate of economic growth has again almost reached the level of the nineties. In the countryside, Stolypin's agrarian reforms, which aimed at creating private ownership, began to develop independently, despite resistance from the peasants. The state, through a whole package of measures, sought large-scale modernization in agriculture. Science, literature and art reached a new flowering.

But the scandalous figure of Rasputin decisively contributed to the loss of prestige of the monarch. The First World War mercilessly exposed the shortcomings of the late tsarist system. These were primarily political weaknesses. In the military field, by the summer of 1915 it was even possible to take control of the situation at the front and establish supplies. In 1916, thanks to Brusilov's offensive, the Russian army even held most of the territorial gains of the Allies before the collapse of Germany. However, in February 1917, tsarism was approaching its death. The tsar himself was entirely to blame for this development of events. Since he increasingly wanted to be his own prime minister, but did not live up to this role, during the war no one could coordinate the actions of the various institutions of the state, primarily civil and military.

The provisional government that replaced the monarchy immediately placed Nicholas and his family under house arrest, but wanted to allow him to leave for England. However, the British government was in no hurry to respond, and the Provisional Government was no longer strong enough to resist the will of the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. In August 1917, the family was transported to Tobolsk. In April 1918, local Bolsheviks achieved their transfer to Yekaterinburg. The king endured this time of humiliation with great calm and hope in God, which in the face of death gave him undeniable dignity, but which, even in the best of times, sometimes prevented him from acting rationally and decisively. On the night of July 16-17, 1918, the imperial family was shot. The liberal historian Yuri Gautier spoke with cold precision upon learning of the tsar’s assassination: “This is the denouement of yet another of the countless minor knots of our troubled times, and the monarchical principle can only benefit from it.”

The paradoxes of the personality and reign of Nicholas II can be explained by the objectively existing contradictions of Russian reality at the beginning of the 20th century, when the world was entering a new phase of its development, and the tsar did not have the will and determination to master the situation. Trying to defend the “autocratic principle,” he maneuvered: he either made small concessions or refused them. As a result, the regime rotted, pushing the country towards the abyss. By rejecting and slowing down reforms, the last tsar contributed to the beginning of the social revolution. This should be recognized both with absolute sympathy for the fate of the king, and with his categorical rejection. At the critical moment of the February coup, the generals betrayed their oath and forced the tsar to abdicate.
Nicholas II himself pulled the rug out from under his feet. He stubbornly defended his positions, did not make serious compromises, and thereby created the conditions for a revolutionary explosion. He also did not support the liberals, who sought to prevent the revolution in the hope of concessions from the tsar. And the revolution was accomplished. The year 1917 became a fatal milestone in the history of Russia.