Boris Godunov is a prominent figure in Russian history. By origin, he is a boyar with an admixture of Tatar blood, and later - the Sovereign, Tsar and Grand Duke all Rus'. Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin created the drama "Boris Godunov" and designated it as a historical and political tragedy. The work presents the author's point of view on real events that took place at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries.
One of the first listeners of the drama was Nicholas I, who liked it. Pushkin created his work while in exile. The headlines tell the reader that the prerequisite for this was the reading of the work of N.M. Karamzin "History of the Russian State". Most of the text, and the work on it lasted almost 6 years, is written in blank verse, and only a few scenes are described in prose. That fateful meeting with the emperor and the reading of excerpts led to the completion of Alexander Sergeevich's exile.
Characteristics of the hero
(Painting by Ilya Glazunov "Boris Godunov", 1967)
Throughout the story, the writer reveals to us the image of Boris Godunov, showing him from different angles: ruler, husband, father, man. In his character, advantages and disadvantages are closely intertwined. With all the wealth of mind and the desire to make the life of people in the country better, he fails to win the trust of his inner circle and ordinary people.
The accession to the throne was accompanied by the assassination of Tsarevich Dmitry. This, and also the fact that it was during the reign of Godunov that the serfdom, caused a quiet, and sometimes obvious murmur among the people. Every step forward in the form of tax breaks, good deeds and generous donations was presented as hypocritical. This is one of the reasons why the story ends with a tragic denouement at the end.
(Opera "Boris Godunov" at the Bolshoi Theatre, 1948)
A smart and not evil sovereign perfectly understands what his duty to the country is, what the boyars and simple people. But at that time Rus' was huge, but, moreover, heterogeneous. Basmanov, the closest associate of the tsar, will call his understanding of duty "the spirit of the sovereign." The same scene tells the reader about the scene where the dying Godunov gives his last instructions to his son. He warns him against unreliable allies and hasty innovations, "flirting" with common people. But he asks him to support the church charter, not to give rise to gossip, and also to adhere to the covenants of the ancestors.
At the same time, the king is not deceived by ostentatious human gratitude. Despite everything he did with good intentions, the thought sounds like a refrain: "Living power is hateful for the mob." And meanwhile nothing human is alien to him. The cunning can be traced in Godunov's speech to the patriarch and the boyars after being elected to the kingdom. On the one hand, he flatters by naming his comrades-in-arms, on the other hand, he does not forget to emphasize the difference between the sovereign and everyone else.
The human features of the hero are sympathetic. It clearly shows concern for the family, the fate of the heir, daughter. In dreams, he sees his country as powerful and educated.
The image of the hero in the work
(Scene from the 2nd act of the opera, Bolshoi Theatre, 1948)
Although the name of the drama is "Boris Godunov" and the tsar is the central figure in the story, the author does not assign him the main role. It rightfully belongs to the people, the driving force Russian history. An attempt to break through the will of people, to manipulate it for the sake of their own interests, ends for the Godunov family in destruction.
Pangs of conscience throughout the reign haunt the hero, gradually driving him crazy. Fear of exposure implicitly changes his character. A connoisseur of science and a person who loves the people is fond of superstition and gives the green light to the resumption of executions and torture. Pushkin presents the mental anguish of his hero as atonement for the crime committed. The scene before death evokes compassion in the reader.
"Boris Godunov", written in December 1824-November 1825 in Mikhailovsky, became the first experience of Pushkin's artistic comprehension of the historical past of Russia, namely the Time of Troubles.
The collection of volumes "History of the Russian State" created by N. M. Karamzin inspired the poet to write, as he himself put it, about "Man and the people - the fate of man, the fate of the people."
from all sides. To do this, he abandoned three unities, which gave him complete creative freedom: in changing scenes that differ greatly in volume, in a plot action covering a period of seven years, and in many other ways. Pushkin strives for realism, which is still unusual for the tragic genre.
The poet is convinced that the people are the creator of history, the true foundation of the state. Without the people, power is powerless. The people supported the election of Boris to the throne, and when they turned away from him, Boris died. And then the people ensured the victory of the Pretender.
The government could not but feel the power of the people. It is afraid of the people. This is confirmed by many examples. Boyars Shuisky and Vorotynsky hope for the people. Shuisky suggests to Vorotynsky: "Let's skillfully excite the people, / Let them leave Godunov." Vorotynsky answers him: "The people have lost the habit of seeing in us an ancient branch."
Gavrila Pushkin, who went over to the side of False Dmitry, assures him of victory:
"Not with an army, no, do not help with the Polish, / But with an opinion; yes! With the opinion of the people."
The people are like one almighty man, ready to punish those who disobey him. An indestructible desire for freedom lives in him, for the struggle against tyranny. Basmanov also knows this: "People are always secretly prone to confusion."
Although the people hate Boris, but seeing his children in custody, they feel sincere sympathy for them: "The father was a villain, but the children are innocent." Upon learning that the wife and son of Boris were mercilessly killed by the boyars, "The people are silent in horror." All actions of people are coordinated, clear and understandable.
The inhabitants of Russia can be judges and warriors, diligent workers and wise advisers, but due to their lack of education, darkness, the policy is created by the supreme power: kings and boyars, whose omnipotence knows no bounds.
At the beginning of the tragedy near the Novodevichy Convent, the people howl on their knees:
"Oh, have mercy, our father! Dominate us!
Be our father, our king!"
And when there is no ruler over people, they are confused and cannot make decisions. On Red Square people ask:
"Oh my God, who will rule us?
Throughout the play, people change and develop under the influence of circumstances. If at the beginning people are drawn to their ruler, then in the last act they do not hide their hatred for the royal family:
"Knit! Drown! Long live Dimitri!
May the family of Boris Godunov perish!"
Pushkin considers that the main reason for the overthrow of Boris from the throne was his disagreement with the people, the dissatisfaction of the masses with his abuse of power. This time is just right for the accession of the Pretender. False Dmitry believes that he can come to power due to general dissatisfaction with Boris. But the wise people recognize in him a traitor and a traitor, a murderer of innocent members of the Boris family and deprive him of their sympathies.
The mass of the people in Pushkin's tragedy appears in the main scenes, is invisibly present in every episode. They are forced to reckon with popular opinion both in the Kremlin chambers and in the headquarters of the Pretender.
In some scenes, the people appear before us as foolish, foolish fools (the last act), but more often we see sincere people expressing clear, righteous thoughts.
For the poet, the people are a "choir" of individual voices with the same truth and purpose, but different tasks. For example, the remarks that people exchange on Maiden's Field testify that a significant part of the people are indifferent to the election of a king. For them, this is just a curious sight, entertainment, which are few in the life of ordinary people.
believes the criminal Boris, and later False Dmitry.
But people's morality, conscientiousness, the thirst for honesty and goodness, and most importantly, the unwillingness to put up with atrocities and self-interest, make even the most helpless and stupid people a merciless judge of any manifestation of unrighteous power. This is the meaning of the depiction of "the fate of the people" and the result of Pushkin's reflections on the Time of Troubles.
In 1824, A.S. Pushkin was greatly interested in the events of the late 16th - early 15th century, when the Russian state was ruled by Boris Godunov, whose throne was then taken by False Dmitry. Studying this material, Pushkin decided to write a work about power and people. In order to more vividly show the past century with all its features, Pushkin considered the form of tragedy to be the most suitable for solving this problem.
The people are the main character of the work and in the tragedy are shown in motion, in their development. The scene on Red Square speaks of his confusion and bewilderment about the anarchy in the country: “Oh my God, who will rule us? Woe to us!" The people cannot imagine life without a king. The masses are accustomed to the fact that someone controls them and someone rules over them.
As the action develops, so does the strength of the people. In the Maiden's Field scene, the people are not the same as before. Although he is waiting and wishing for Boris to accept the crown, at the same time it is fundamentally important for him who exactly will be the king.
“Without further ado,” the people understand that the election of the tsar is carried out at the behest of the boyars: “The boyars know that, not like us.” However, people tend to believe. The people hope to see in Boris a worthy ruler.
Boris, accepting "great power with fear and humility", swears to his people that there will be no beggars and wretched in the kingdom. Indeed, in the first years of his reign, Boris made some concessions to the people, remembering his promises. But over time, Boris Godunov forgets about the needs of his people, does not care about his situation, and even "Yuryev decided to destroy the day."
The people turn away from him, seeing in him a despot who not only does not care about the welfare of the people, but, on the contrary, worsens their position, consolidates serfdom. Boris finally loses his authority when he appears in the eyes of the people as the murderer of Tsarevich Dmitry.
Lacking the support of the boyars, Boris chooses the wrong method by which, as he hopes, he will be able to cope with the people. (“Only by strictness can we vigilantly keep the people.”) But the people are a rebellious element, always inclined to revolt against their oppressors. Forgetting about this, Boris gives odds to his opponent, who immediately takes advantage of this:
...Try the impostor
They promise the old St. George's Day,
That's how the fun goes.
And in fact, the people went over to the side of the impostor, cherishing hopes and striving for freedom. Boris, on the other hand, is wrecked because he did not take care of popular support. The people won the victory, overthrowing Boris from the throne. But that didn't make it any easier for him. The fruits of the victory completely went to the boyars. The situation of the common people under the new king became even worse.
When Mosalsky announces to the people about the death of his wife and son Godunov, the people are silent in horror. Why is he silent? In this silence of the people lies the verdict on the impostor as the ruler and the new oppressor of the masses. Today, the people are still only silent - languidly and hesitantly expressing their protest, but tomorrow they can speak, and then - woe to the one against whom he raises his voice!
Pushkin created a realistic, truly folk tragedy, which at that time had no equal in Russian literature. Pushkin highlighted the Russian people as a creator and driving force historical fates. The people elevated Boris to the throne, and when they turned away from him, Boris died. The people also facilitated the victory of the impostor False Dmitry. The power of the people is limitless. At the end of the tragedy, the people are reborn from a weak, confused mass into a formidable judge of iniquities and crimes. royal power.
Secondary characters.
Belinsky noted that already in the first scene of the tragedy, “the character of Shuisky is depicted both historically and poetically.” This is the head of the boyar group, a descendant of the specific princes of the "Rurik Blood". He himself is not averse to taking the throne of the Moscow tsars, which was vacated after the death of Tsar Fyodor. But Shuisky understands perfectly well that he cannot achieve his goal without the help of the people, and therefore he invites Vorotynsky to "skillfully excite the people." But when Boris is elected, Shuisky turns into a "crafty courtier." To Boris, he expresses his devotion, but fully shares the rebellious aspirations of Athanasius Pushkin. Shuisky is a typical courtier, "evasive, but bold and crafty."
Other boyars are also brought out in the tragedy: the timid and rustic Vorotynsky; the true exponent of boyar views, Afanasy Pushkin; went over to the side of the Pretender Gavrila Pushkin, the ancestor of the poet, Golitsyn, Masalsky and others.
These images in the tragedy were necessary for Pushkin to show the relationship between the tsar and the boyars, the ruling class and the people.
Transferring the action of the tragedy to Poland, Pushkin also depicts the feudal Polish aristocracy: Mniszka, Vishnevetsky and others. Much attention is paid to Marina Manishek. "Marble nymph", a cold beauty, Marina is ambitious, arrogant, cunning. It is not a feeling of love, but a thirst to become a Moscow queen that guides her when she agrees to become the wife of the Pretender.
Pushkin shows that the real reason for the death of Boris lies in the forces that rebelled against him. Here the first and main place belongs to the people. The people are the protagonist of Pushkin's tragedy. The people in the composition of the tragedy are given a central place: the people appear at the very beginning of the tragedy, they also complete it, after the death of Boris and before the Pretender enters Moscow; the latter, after the scene in the forest, no longer appears in the tragedy. Not individual heroes (Boris and the Pretender), but the people complete the tragedy.
The people are the creator of history, the true foundation of the state. Without the support of the people, both tsars and boyars are powerless. The people supported the election of Boris to the throne, and when they turned away from him, Boris died. The people ensured victory for the Pretender. The power of the people is limitless.
The people have an indestructible desire for freedom, for the struggle against tyranny. The people are a rebellious element, always inclined to revolt against their oppressors. Afanasy Pushkin confidently declares to Shuisky: "Try the Pretender to promise them the old St. George's Day, and the fun will go." Clever Basmanov says to Boris: "People are always secretly prone to confusion."
The strength of the people lies in its inherent high moral purity, in its aversion to crimes. He cannot forgive Boris for killing the baby. The people cannot forgive the Pretender for the death of Godunov's widow and son. Thus, the people act as a formidable judge of the iniquities and crimes of the royal power.
Pushkin on the material of the history of the XVII century gives an answer to critical issues of its modernity. The Decembrist uprising was approaching; their weakness was that they acted in isolation from the broad masses of the people.
Surpassing contemporary historians and writers with the ingenious instinct of the great poet, approaching our understanding of the role of the people in history, Pushkin shows both the enormous strength of the people and the historically determined weakness of it at that time - at the beginning of the 17th century. The people can overthrow tyrants, but they cannot ensure their own welfare and freedom, use their victory in the interests of the people. The reason for this is the darkness, the political unconsciousness of the masses. .Using this darkness of the people, the policy is created by the tsars and boyars, not the people; they appropriate the fruits of the people's victory. Pushkin clearly shows this in the first scenes of the tragedy ("Red Square", "Maiden's Field"), and in the final scene.
The people in the tragedy are shown in motion, in development. The scene on Red Square, where the people appear for the first time, speaks of some confusion among the masses of the people, who found themselves without a king:
Oh my god, who will rule us?
Woe to us!
In the next scene - on the Maiden's Field - the people beg Boris to become king. But this is done at the behest of the boyars: "That is what the boyars know." The remarks exchanged between those gathered here indicate that, in essence, a significant part of the people is completely indifferent to the election of a king. For her, it's just a curious sight.
At the end of the tragedy, the people are no longer the same: they themselves take an active part in the events, not hiding their hatred for the royal family.
M uzh and k on a m v o n e.
People, people! to the Kremlin, to the royal chambers!
Go knit Borisov's puppy!
(People rush in a crowd.)
Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin often used the sharpest and most dramatic pages in Russian history in his work. In the tragedy "Boris Godunov" he recreated "the past century in all its truth." The poet successfully reached unprecedented culminations in the art of drama... The characters of this tragedy are historically authentic, act and reason in accordance with their era and customs.
Boris Godunov is described by Pushkin comprehensively and exhaustively. This is an excellent father, striving to give happiness to his own children, a righteous and attentive ruler, reflecting on the good of the people, but why is he everywhere defeated? There is no luck and happiness for his children:
I may have angered the heavens
I could not arrange your happiness.
Innocent, why are you suffering?
Belinsky noted that already in the first scene of the tragedy "the character of Shuisky is depicted both historically and poetically." This is the head of the boyar group, a descendant of the specific princes of the "Rurik blood". He himself is not averse to taking the throne of the Moscow tsars, which was vacated after the death of Tsar Fyodor. But Shuisky understands perfectly well that without the help of the people he cannot achieve his goal, and therefore he suggests to Vorotynsky "to skillfully excite the people." But when Boris is elected, Shuisky turns into a "crafty courtier". To Boris, he expresses his devotion, but fully shares the rebellious aspirations of Athanasius Pushkin. Shuisky is a typical courtier, "evasive, but bold and crafty."
Other boyars are also brought out in the tragedy: the timid and rustic Vorotynsky; the true exponent of boyar views, Afanasy Pushkin; went over to the side of the Pretender Gavrila Pushkin, the ancestor of the poet, Golitsyn, Masalsky and others. These images in the tragedy were necessary for Pushkin to show the relationship between the tsar and the boyars, the ruling class and the people.
Transferring the action of the tragedy to Poland, Pushkin also depicts the feudal Polish aristocracy: Mniszek, Vishnevetsky and others. Much attention is paid to Marina Mnishek. "Marble nymph", a cold beauty, Marina is ambitious, arrogant, cunning. It is not a feeling of love, but a thirst to become a Moscow queen that guides her when she agrees to become the wife of the Pretender.
The accusation is in the very air that Godunov is the murderer of Tsarevich Dmitry. The boyars do not dare to express this to the tsar, they have something to lose, they want to save their privileges, parochialism, proximity to the throne by any means.
Among the people, dissatisfaction with their humiliated position, subordination to everything and everyone constantly wanders. Sometimes it results in riots that end in nothing. The rulers know how to stop the people in time, to cajole them not so much with effective measures as with momentary handouts and promises. Shuisky very well explains to Boris the essence of the people.
Pushkin shows that the real reason for the death of Boris lies in the forces that rebelled against him. Here the first and main place belongs to the people. The people are the protagonist of Pushkin's tragedy. The people in the composition of the tragedy are given a central place: the people appear at the very beginning of the tragedy, they also complete it, after the death of Boris and before the Pretender enters Moscow; the latter, after the scene in the forest, no longer appears in the tragedy. Not individual heroes (Boris and the Pretender), but the people complete the tragedy.
The people are the creator of history, the true foundation of the state. Without the support of the people, both tsars and boyars are powerless. The people supported the election of Boris to the throne, and when they turned away from him, Boris died. The people ensured victory for the Pretender. The power of the people is limitless.
The people have an indestructible desire for freedom, for the struggle against tyranny. The people are a rebellious element, always inclined to revolt against their oppressors. Afanasy Pushkin confidently declares to Shuisky: "Try the Pretender to promise them the old St. George's Day, and the fun will go on." Clever Basmanov says to Boris: "The people are always secretly prone to confusion."
The strength of the people lies in its inherent high moral purity, in its aversion to crimes. He cannot forgive Boris for killing the baby. The people cannot forgive the Pretender for the death of Godunov's widow and son. Thus, the people act as a formidable judge of the iniquities and crimes of the royal power.
Pushkin, on the material of the history of the 17th century, gives an answer to the most important questions of his own time. The Decembrist uprising was approaching; their weakness was that they acted in isolation from the broad masses of the people.
Surpassing contemporary historians and writers with the ingenious instinct of the great poet, approaching our understanding of the role of the people in history, Pushkin shows both the enormous strength of the people and the historically determined weakness of it at that time - at the beginning of the 17th century. The people can overthrow tyrants, but they cannot ensure their own welfare and freedom, use their victory in the interests of the people. The reason for this is the darkness, the political unconsciousness of the masses. Taking advantage of this darkness of the people, the tsars and boyars create politics, and not the people; they appropriate the fruits of the people's victory. Pushkin clearly shows this in the first scenes of the tragedy ("Red Square", "Maiden's Field"), and in the final scene.
The people in the drama are depicted in motion, in the formation of moral self-awareness. The scene of the first appearance of the people on Red Square invites us to think about a separate shock of the masses of the people, who found themselves without a crown:
Oh my god, who will rule us?
Woe to us!
In the subsequent act - on the Maiden's Field - the people pray to Boris to take the throne. However, this happens at the direction of the boyars: "That is what the boyars know." As we can see from the remarks that are thrown around by those who are located in this place, a significant proportion of the masses of the people are absolutely indifferent to the choice of the sovereign. For her, it's just a fun show.
At the conclusion of the drama, the people are already different: they independently accept Active participation in what is happening, not concealing his own hatred for the royal house.
