BERLIN CONGRESS 1878, an international congress convened (June 13 - July 13) at the initiative of Austria-Hungary and England in order to revise the San Stefano Treaty of 1878. It ended with the signing of the Berlin Treaty, the terms of which were largely to the detriment of Russia, which found itself at the Berlin Congress in isolation. According to the Berlin Treaty, the independence of Bulgaria was proclaimed, the region of Eastern Rumelia was formed with administrative self-government, the independence of Montenegro, Serbia and Romania was recognized, Kars, Ardagan and Batum were annexed to Russia, etc. Turkey undertook to carry out reforms in its Asia Minor possessions inhabited by Armenians (in Western Armenia), as well as to ensure freedom of conscience and equality in civil rights for all its subjects. The Berlin Treaty is an important international document, the main provisions of which remained valid until the Balkan Wars of 1912-13. But, leaving unresolved a number of key issues (national unification of Serbs, Macedonian, Greek-Cretan, Armenian issues, etc.). The Berlin Treaty paved the way for the emergence of the World War of 1914-18. In an effort to draw the attention of the European countries participating in the Berlin Congress to the situation of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, to include the Armenian issue on the agenda of the Congress and to achieve the implementation by the Turkish government of the reforms promised under the San Stefano Treaty, the Armenian political circles of Constantinople sent a national delegation to Berlin headed by M. Khrimyan (see Mkrtich I Vanetsi), who, however, was not allowed to take part in the work of the congress. The delegation presented to the Congress a draft of the self-government of Western Armenia and a memorandum addressed to the powers, which were also not taken into account. The Armenian question was discussed at the Berlin Congress at the meetings of July 4 and 6 in an atmosphere of clash of two points of view: the Russian delegation demanded to carry out reforms before the withdrawal of Russian troops from Western Armenia, and the British delegation, relying on the Anglo-Russian agreement of May 30, 1878, according to which Russia undertook to return the Alashkert valley and Bayazet to Turkey, and at the secret Anglo-Turkish convention of June 4 (see the Cyprus Convention of 1878), according to the cut, England undertook to oppose Russia's military means in the Armenian regions of Turkey, sought not to condition the question of reforms on the presence of Russian troops. Ultimately, the Congress of Berlin adopted English edition article 16 of the Treaty of San Stefano, which, as article 61, was included in the Treaty of Berlin in the following wording: “The Sublime Porte undertakes to carry out, without further delay, the improvements and reforms caused by local needs in the areas inhabited by Armenians, and to ensure their security from the Circassians and Kurds . It will periodically report on the measures it has taken for this purpose to the powers that will monitor their application” (“Collection of treaties between Russia and other states. 1856-1917”, 1952, p. 205). Thus, a more or less real guarantee of the implementation of Armenian reforms (the presence of Russian troops in the regions populated by Armenians) was eliminated and replaced by an unrealistic general guarantee of supervision by the powers over the reforms. According to the Berlin Treaty, the Armenian question turned from an internal issue of the Ottoman Empire into an international issue, becoming the subject of the selfish policy of the imperialist states and world diplomacy, which had fatal consequences for the Armenian people. Along with this, the Berlin Congress was a turning point in the history of the Armenian Question and stimulated the Armenian liberation movement in Turkey. In the Armenian socio-political circles, disillusioned with European diplomacy, the conviction has matured that the liberation of Western Armenia from Turkish yoke possible only through armed struggle.

In March 1878, Russia and Turkey signed the Treaty of San Stefano, which ended another war between the two empires. It would seem that the war is over, the parties have agreed among themselves, what else can we talk about? But the European powers did not think so - the signed peace categorically did not suit them. Great Britain declared its non-recognition of the San Stefano peace and demanded that a congress of the leading European countries be convened to discuss a new treaty. It took place in June-July 1878 in Berlin.

Diplomats from all the great powers gathered in the capital of the newly formed German Empire late XIX century: Russia, Great Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, as well as representatives of Turkey and Persia. Envoys from the Balkan states also arrived, but they rather played the role of observers, not participating in the development of decisions that concerned themselves. This "sweet" European tradition - to decide the fate of other countries without being interested in the opinion of their peoples - will be respected for a long time to come. Suffice it to recall the infamous Munich Agreement of 1938...

However, only two countries most dissatisfied with Russia's victory played the first violin at the congress in Berlin - Great Britain and Austria-Hungary. The British were worried about the strengthening of Russia and its influence in the Balkans, as well as its claims to Constantinople, to which Russian troops were getting closer. The emergence of new Slavic states also did not meet the interests of Great Britain, which saw the main danger in the creation of the Bulgarian state. Austria-Hungary also did not like the formation of new countries near its borders, especially Serbia, since many Serbs (primarily in Vojvodina) and other Slavic peoples (Croats, Slovenes) lived on Austrian territory. In Vienna, they feared that they would want to unite. Austria-Hungary, on the contrary, itself wanted to get new lands in the Balkans, and the strengthening of Russia in the region was not to its liking.

Could Russia ignore the challenge of European countries? In principle, it could, but it threatened a new war, and not with a weakened Turkey, but with a whole coalition of states led by Great Britain. This is exactly what happened during Crimean War, in which England, France and Sardinia (the future Italy) intervened on the side of Turkey. Taught by the bitter experience of his father, Alexander II did not want a repetition of such a scenario. For the same reason, Russian troops stopped at San Stefano, a suburb of Constantinople, when the Turkish capital was very close. Her capture, so coveted by both the Russian army and society, did not take place precisely because of the threats of England, which sent its squadron led by Admiral Geoffrey Hornby to the shores of Constantinople. In addition, the war of 1877-1878 did not affect the budget in the best way. Russian Empire and in general on the state of the state, which was going through the era of the Great Reforms. A new campaign against the European coalition could lead to sad results. Alexander II and Russian Foreign Minister Alexander Gorchakov chose the path of negotiations.

Alexander Gorchakov

The fact that an event of this magnitude was convened in Germany, which had united only seven years earlier, significantly increased the prestige of the country. Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, who was the host of the event, proclaimed himself an "honest broker" and assured all those assembled of his neutrality. In fact, Bismarck, a pragmatist and politician to the core, could not stand aside. Not wanting to aggravate relations with Russia, the chancellor at the same time sought an alliance with Austria-Hungary, with which he had recently fought for supremacy in the German lands. Bismarck indirectly made it clear to the Russian delegation that it should not expect support from Berlin, and recommended agreeing to the Austro-Hungarian terms. This put Russia in fact in isolation.

Great Britain and Austria-Hungary, taking care of their own interests, disguised them as "taking care of Turkey." In an effort to curtail Russia's victory, they contributed to the preservation of a number of territories by the Ottomans, primarily at the expense of Bulgaria. This assistance provided to Turkey by European countries was by no means disinterested. For the efforts of British and Austrian diplomats, Sultan Abdul-Hamid II paid with the lands of his own country: Austria-Hungary occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Great Britain occupied Cyprus. The latter circumstance turned out to be especially important for Queen Victoria: now she became the mistress of the entire Mediterranean Sea, owning the three most important points - Gibraltar, Malta and Cyprus. With their help, Great Britain could control all Mediterranean trade and monitor the movement of the fleet of any power.

The result of the Berlin Congress, which lasted exactly a month, was the signing of the Berlin Treaty on July 1 (13), 1878. He was called upon to resolve the Balkan issue with its mutual territorial claims. In reality, the decisions made did not alleviate, but, on the contrary, complicated the situation in the Balkans, since they were based on the principle of "divide and conquer".

Bulgaria turned out to be dismembered, whose lands were cut almost three times. Between the Danube and the Balkan Range - it was on such a border that the British representatives insisted - a vassal Bulgarian principality appeared, which remained dependent on the Ottoman Empire (however, this dependence consisted only in the approval of the head of the principality by the sultan and the payment of tribute). Sofia became its capital, which the British actively resisted, but here they could not break the Russian resistance. To the south, Eastern Rumelia was created - a province populated by Bulgarians as part of Turkey, which received some autonomy, although not as significant as the Bulgarian principality. The rest of the lands assigned to Bulgaria under the Treaty of San Stefano again became part of Turkey without any autonomy. Bulgaria not only seriously decreased in size, having lost the Macedonian lands, but also lost access to the Aegean Sea. The presence of Russian troops remained in the principality, however, not for two years, as previously planned, but only for nine months.

Serbia also lost some of the territories intended for it. At the same time, a small part of the lands cut off from Bulgaria was transferred to Serbia. In the future, this created tension between the two countries, which played a role in the following conflicts on the peninsula. A smaller territory (compared to what was decided in San Stefano) also went to Montenegro, which, although it achieved the receipt of the port of Bar, still did not have the right to keep its fleet. This was categorically opposed by Austria-Hungary, which saw itself as the ruler of the Adriatic. She also ensured that the territories of Serbia and Montenegro did not touch: a small corridor belonging to Turkey was left between them. This made it difficult to create a Serbian-Montenegrin union - a classic example of "divide and rule" politics!

Romania received small, though important increments - the Danube Delta and access to the Black Sea. This was presented as a "compensation" for Southern Bessarabia, which was assigned to the Romanians after the Crimean War and was now returning to Russia (though without the Danube Delta). However, if in Bessarabia the efforts of the British were in vain, then in the Caucasus, Russia still lost part of its acquisitions. In particular, the Bayazet fortress and the Alashkert valley had to be returned to Turkey. Nevertheless, despite the protests of Great Britain, Kars, Ardagan and Batum remained behind Russia, and in the latter they created a free trade regime - free port. In addition, Turkey had to abandon the city of Khotur in favor of Persia, which did not participate in the war at all.

In addition to territorial claims, the Treaty of Berlin regulated some other issues. Thus, the European powers obliged Turkey to carry out reforms in the lands inhabited by Christians, and equalize their rights with Muslims, eliminating discrimination based on religious principles. This also applied to Turkish Armenia, where oppression was also discussed at the congress. The Sultan was obliged to carry out reforms here too, but this decision did not materialize. Finally, freedom of navigation on the Danube was guaranteed.

Despite all efforts, the Western powers failed to take away the victory from Russia - its prestige in the Balkans, which had faded after the Crimean War, was restored. General Dmitry Milyutin, who participated in the drafting of the San Stefano Treaty, wrote after the Berlin Congress: “If we achieve at least what has now been decided by the Congress, then even in this case a huge step will be taken in the historical course of the Eastern Question. The result will be enormous, and in Russia one can be proud of the successes achieved.”

In addition, the Berlin Congress could not stop the main thing - the rapid liberation of the Slavic peoples. The decisions to recognize the independence of Serbia, Montenegro and Romania, as well as to restore the Bulgarian statehood (albeit in a truncated form) showed that the centuries-old Turkish domination in the Balkans was ending. Further developments it was just confirmed.

Just seven years later, the Bulgarian Principality and Eastern Rumelia united. Sultan Abdul-Hamid II could not oppose anything and was forced to come to terms with this fact, appointing the Bulgarian prince Ferdinand I as governor of Eastern Rumelia. In the same way, Turkey remained silent when, in 1908, the united principality declared full independence, and Ferdinand I became the king of Bulgaria. And in the same year, Austria-Hungary, which had occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina for 30 years, announced its annexation. As for Cyprus, it received independence from Great Britain only in 1960, and two British military bases are still preserved there.

There was no strict observance of other norms of the Berlin Treaty. The reforms that Turkey pledged to make to alleviate the plight of Christians were never implemented. The life of Turkish Armenians has not improved either. Abdul-Hamid II was afraid of the strengthening of Armenian influence in the eastern part of Turkey. In 1886, Russia canceled the free port in Batum.

Contrary to the plan of the organizers of the Berlin Congress, the adopted treatise did not become an inviolable norm. The Balkan Wars that broke out in 1912-1913 finally put an end to it, and the Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina complicated the already difficult situation in the Balkans, which rightly received the nickname "the powder magazine of Europe." And already in 1914 in Sarajevo, the administrative center of Bosnia, the fatal shots of Gavrilo Princip sounded ...

Congress of Berlin (briefly)

On June 1, 1878, a congress opened in Berlin under the chairmanship of Bismarck. The powers that signed the Treaty of Paris in 1856 participated in its work. The main objectives of the congress for the governments of the West were:

· Subordination of the newly formed Slavic Balkan states to the policies of Western governments.

· The weakening of Russia's influence in the Middle East, as well as the establishment of Western European states in the Middle East.

At this congress, Russia was isolated, and England took over the leadership of the anti-Russian bloc of powers. At the same time, England strongly supported the claims of Austria-Hungary to Herzegovina and Bosnia, along with its plans to oust Russia from the Balkans. Fearing for its own capital in Turkey, France was against the independence of the Balkan states. The anti-Russian bloc was actually supported by Bismarck. The biggest controversy was the question of the status and borders of Bulgaria. Representative of the Russian delegation A. Gorchakov was forced to step aside from the terms of the signed San Stefano Treaty, since:

· Revolutionary mood progressed in the state.

· The Russian delegation feared the very possibility of war with Europe.

· The Russian delegation found itself, as mentioned above, "in isolation."

Main decisions of the Berlin Congress

Decisions of the Berlin Congress:

· Montenegro, Serbia and Romania gained independence.

· Bulgaria was divided into two parts along the Balkan Range - Southern and Northern. The latter was recognized as a Turkish vassal principality. The southern part of Bulgaria, also known as Eastern Rumelia, was declared a Turkish autonomous province.

· Herzegovina and Bosnia were occupied by Austria.

· For the support of Turkey, England received Cyprus.

The lion's share of Russian society was extremely outraged by the decisions of the congress (especially regarding Bulgaria). In addition, the hostilities led to inflation and the financial crisis, which also adversely affected society. It should be noted that this was one of the main causes of the political crisis of 1879-1881.

The decisions of the Berlin Congress and the Russian-Turkish war exacerbated the contradictions between Russia and Austria in the Balkans, showing the fragility of the Union of the Three Emperors, and also significantly contributed to the German-Austrian rapprochement, which was already planned after the Franco-Prussian war.

Chapter three. Russian-Turkish War (1877-1878) and the Berlin Congress (1878) (Prof. Khvostov V. M.)

Russo-Turkish War

On the rejection of the London Protocol by Turkey, Russia responded the next day (April 13, 1877) by mobilizing 7 more divisions. The king went to Chisinau, where the headquarters of the supreme commander was located. There, on April 24, 1877, he signed a manifesto declaring war on Turkey. Active hostilities in the Balkan theater began, however, only at the end of June.

Beaconsfield had the idea of responding to Russia's declaration of war by occupying the Dardanelles. But such a plan did not meet with the sympathy of a number of influential members of the British cabinet. England limited itself to the fact that on May 6 Derby handed a note to Shuvalov. It reported that England could not allow, firstly, the blockade of the Suez Canal by Russia, secondly, the occupation of Egypt, at least only for the duration of the war, and thirdly, the capture of Constantinople and a change in the status of the straits.

The Russian ambassador in London decided that England was going to enter the war. He was so alarmed that he immediately rushed to Petersburg to report there on the extreme gravity of the situation.

The Russian government, having just started the war, was already thinking about how to end it as soon as possible on any acceptable terms. It hastened to reassure the British about Egypt and Suez.

As for Constantinople and the straits, the St. Petersburg cabinet declared this issue a pan-European problem. In other words, Russia pledged not to solve it alone.

The Russian Chancellor did not limit himself to the above assurances. He instructed Shuvalov to declare that Russia was ready to make peace on moderate terms; let the Turks ask for it before the Russian armies cross the Balkan range. The proposals of the Russian government seemed more modest than even the latest version of the requirements of the Constantinople Conference. Thus, for example, the conference assumed that Bulgaria would extend south almost to Adrianople and beyond the Rhodope Mountains; now Russia was ready to confine itself to the autonomy of a part of Bulgaria north of the Balkan range. For itself, in the event of a quick conclusion of peace, Russia was ready to be content with the return of southwestern Bessarabia and the cession of Batum to it. On June 8, 1877, Shuvalov communicated this peace program to Lord Derby.

The British government rejected the Russian proposals. It recognized them as unacceptable in the question of Constantinople and the straits. The fact is that Gorchakov warned the British about the possibility of temporary occupation of the strait zone by Russian troops, if this turned out to be necessary in the course of hostilities. English diplomacy did not consider it possible to agree to this.

As early as May 19, 1877, Derby began negotiations with Austria-Hungary on a joint rebuff to Russia. England was to send her fleet into the straits; Austria-Hungary was asked to strike at the rear of the Russian Danube army. It was clear that the risk of the allies would be unequal. The English fleet was not threatened by a meeting with Russian warships, for the reason that there were none in the Black Sea. True, the Austrian army could also hope for a relatively easy success in the fight against the Russian troops across the Danube: they would find themselves in pincers between the Austrians and the Turks. But after that, Austria would be at war with all armed forces Russia. The Austrian government correctly assessed the situation. On reflection, it suggested that the British only pursue a joint political line in matters of the future structure of the East. Austria refused to mobilize against Russia.

While all these negotiations were going on, hostilities developed as usual. On July 19, 1877, a detachment of General Gurko captured the Shipka Pass. It seemed that after that the Russian offensive for the Balkans should begin, already directly threatening the Turkish capital. On July 27, a panicked report arrived in London from the ambassador in Constantinople, Layard. The ambassador reported that the Russians were standing near Adrianople. Under the influence of this message, Beaconsfield decided to propose to the Sultan that he "invite" a British squadron into the straits; she stood ready in Besik Bay.

But the panic was in vain. Layard did not even have time to fulfill the assignment given to him by Beaconsfield. On the very day that Gurko's detachment took Shipka, Osman Pasha's army entered Plevna, which created a serious threat to the right flank and communications of the Russian army. The news of this reached London belatedly, but upon receiving it they calmed down. The war was obviously dragging on: this was required, from the point of view of British interests.

Andrassy reacted differently to the events. At the moment when the position of the Russian army became difficult, he felt a surge of extraordinary courage. Forgetting his promises to remain neutral, he suggested to his government that troops be sent to Romania to cut off Russian lines of communication. However, the minister's plan failed: he was opposed by the Austrian military circles; they were convinced that even now a war with Russia was beyond the power of Austria-Hungary.

On December 10, 1877, the Russians took Plevna. It's big military event triggered an increase in diplomacy. Shortly before that, the Russian government communicated to Germany and Austria their project for a future world. It provided for: the formation of a Bulgarian vassal principality within the broad boundaries outlined by the Constantinople Conference; the autonomy of Bosnia and Herzegovina with their transfer to the administration of Austria, if the latter so desires; complete independence of Serbia, Montenegro and Romania; the return of southwestern Bessarabia to Russia; compensation to Romania at the expense of Dobruja; accession to Russia of Kars and Batum, Ardagan and Bayazet; payment of indemnity. Finally, a rather meager change in the regime of the straits was planned: the "coastal states" of the Black Sea, that is, Russia in particular, received the right, in cases where the need arose, to conduct military vessels through the straits, but only "single" and every time by special permission of the Sultan.

Defeated Türkiye threatened to give in if help from England did not follow. On December 13, the British government warned Russia that even a temporary occupation of Constantinople would force England to take "precautions." However, debate continued within the British cabinet as to whether such measures should be taken. The Cabinet was unanimous in only one thing - in the readiness to throw Austria into the fire.

Gorchakov's clear and firm answer followed the British warning: Russia cannot guarantee that the course of hostilities will not force it to temporarily occupy the Turkish capital.

On December 24, Türkiye turned to England with a request for mediation. The British government notified St. Petersburg of this. Gorchakov's answer was: if the Porta wants to end the war, then with a request for a truce, it should apply directly to the commander-in-chief of the Russian army. The granting of a truce was conditional on the preliminary acceptance of the obligations of a future peace treaty. The Russian government at the same time confirmed its readiness to submit for discussion international conference those clauses of the treaty that affect "general European interests".

On January 8, 1878, the Port addressed the Russian commander-in-chief, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich ("senior") with a request for a truce. Negotiations began, and while they were going on, Russian troops continued to advance towards the Turkish capital.

The British Cabinet discussed the situation incessantly. Queen Victoria wrote desperate letters to the prime minister, assuring that if she were a man, she would immediately go to beat the Russians. Vienna was again asked if she was inclined to mobilize. Andrassy himself was ready for this step. However, at the request of the military command, he repeated his refusal, referring, among others, to the fact that mobilization costs a lot of money.

Influenced by disturbing reports from Constantinople, the English Cabinet on January 23 finally decided to send british navy into the straits. By the way, the cabinet hoped that such a step would move Austria-Hungary forward as well. Lords Derby and Lord Caernarvon resigned in protest. But, immediately reversing its decision, the Cabinet sent Admiral Hornby a new order: immediately return to Besik Bay. After this, Lord Derby returned to his post. Britain and Austria jointly demanded that the entire set of conditions for the Russo-Turkish peace be submitted to the discussion of an international conference. At the same time, the Austrians pointed to the violation of the Reichstadt and Budapest agreements: in the person of Bulgaria, Russia created in the Balkans that very large Slavic state, the formation of which was just agreed not to be allowed.

1 (Secretary of State for the Colonies.)

The Russian government did not dare to go into conflict with the two great powers. His army and stores of military equipment suffered from the war; The financial situation of the state was not easy. In view of this, the tsarist government officially announced that it was ready to submit for discussion by the international congress those terms of a future peace treaty that affect "general European" interests. Under these, first of all, the question of the straits was understood.

Fearing a clash with England, the tsar ordered the commander-in-chief, if the terms of the armistice were accepted by the Turks, to refrain from occupying Constantinople, stop under its walls, and in any case not to occupy Gallipoli.

On January 31, 1878, the Turks signed an armistice. One of the points provided for the extension of the Russian occupation to Chataldzhi and Bulair. But these areas were not actually occupied by Russian troops at that moment. Therefore, the advance of the Russians continued for some time after the signing of the armistice. This caused a new panic attack in London. The British cabinet feared that the Russians were marching on the capital of the Ottoman Empire. For the British themselves, there was no small temptation to occupy the straits and Constantinople. Back in August 1877, Beaconsfield wrote to Layard: "I would like to see our fleet in inland waters Turkey and the passage of Gallipoli into our hands as a material guarantee" 1 .

1 (Temperley and Penson, Foundations of British Foreign Policy, p. 361. Letter from Beaconsfield to Layard, August 6, 1877.)

Chauvinist agitation assumed a hysterical character in England. In this situation, on February 8, the cabinet again ordered Admiral Hornby to go to the Dardanelles. The Admiral was informed that English ambassador must obtain the consent of the Sultan for the passage of ships through the straits. The fleet moved to the Dardanelles. In Chapak, he anchored in anticipation of the Sultan's permission. After standing for some time and waiting for nothing, Admiral Hornby weighed anchor and headed back to Besik Bay. It soon became clear that the Sultan did not dare to let the British fleet to Constantinople because of the threat of the Russian commander in chief that in this case his troops would occupy the Turkish capital.

The king really wanted to order the commander in chief to send troops to Constantinople. Gorchakov and Minister of War Milyutin objected: they believed that this would lead to war with England. Then the king changed his mind: only the landing of an English landing was to be a signal for the occupation of the Turkish capital. But when the advisers left, Alexander II, left alone, again changed his mind and again inclined to send troops to Constantinople. He ended up with a completely unexpected decision: he telegraphed both orders to the commander-in-chief one after the other ...

2 (Tatishchev, Alexander II, vol. II, pp. 447-448.)

Meanwhile, the strange exercises of the British fleet threatened to make him the subject of universal ridicule. On the building of the British embassy in Constantinople one morning they found a notice pasted by someone: "A fleet has been lost between Besica and Constantinople. A reward will be given to the finder" 3 . On February 12, Admiral Hornby again received orders to move to the Sea of Marmara, even without the permission of the Sultan.

3 (Langer. European Alliances and Alignments, p. 136.)

The British fleet passed through the Dardanelles and anchored off the Princes' Islands on 15 February. Then, at the request of the Sultan, the fleet was withdrawn further away, to Mudaniya, to the Asian coast of the Sea of Marmara.

The British government threatened that the entry of Russian troops into Constantinople would cause a break in diplomatic relations.

The Austrian government also stated that in the event of the occupation of Constantinople by Russian troops, it would recall its ambassador from St. Petersburg.

The Russian government decided not to create a conflict with both powers. It was limited to the occupation of the town of San Stefano, located 12 versts from the Turkish capital, on the shores of the Sea of Marmara.

San Stefano peace

At this time, due to the illness of the aged Gorchakov, the lack of the necessary unity began to affect the activities of Russian diplomacy. One of the most prominent ambassadors, Count Pyotr Shuvalov, pursued a conciliatory line in London. Gorchakov himself held the same position; it was supported by his closest associates in the ministry, Jomini, Gire, and others. However, the most influential figure in the ranks of Russian diplomats was at that time former ambassador in Turkey, Count Ignatiev. It was he who was authorized by the king to conduct peace negotiations with Turkey. A staunch supporter of the great-power Russian policy, he imperiously dictated to the Porte the difficult terms of peace.

The Treaty of San Stefano expanded the territory of Bulgaria in comparison with the boundaries outlined by the Constantinople Conference; a significant part of the Aegean coast was transferred to the Bulgarians. At the same time, Turkish troops were deprived of the right to remain within Bulgaria. For the patroness of the Turks - British diplomacy - such a situation seemed unacceptable.

The British government feared that by including Bulgaria in its sphere of influence, Russia would become a Mediterranean power; In addition, the new borders of Bulgaria came so close to Constantinople that the straits and the Turkish capital were under constant threat of attack from the Bulgarian bridgehead. In view of this, the San Stefano Treaty met with a sharply negative attitude from England.

The Treaty of San Stefano answered just as little to the interests of Austria-Hungary. In Reichstadt and in the Budapest Convention of January 15, 1877, it was agreed that the creation of a large Slavic state in the Balkans would not be allowed. In order to prevent the formation of such a state, the Constantinople Conference divided Bulgaria in its project into two parts along the meridional direction; western Bulgaria was to enter the sphere of Austrian influence. Ignatiev did not want to reckon with these projects. According to his plan, Bulgaria was to become a single state that would cover most of the Balkan Peninsula.

The Treaty of San Stefano also provided for the complete sovereignty of Montenegro, Serbia and Romania, the provision of northern Dobruja to the Romanian principality, the return of southwestern Bessarabia to Russia, the transfer of Kars, Ardagan, Bayazet and Batum to it, as well as small territorial acquisitions for Serbia.

Berlin Congress 1878

On March 6, Andrássy officially proposed that a congress be convened to discuss all the terms of the MPR between Russia and Turkey, and not just the status of the straits, to which Gorchakov agreed even earlier. The Russian government had to give its consent.

The pliability of Russian diplomacy was explained by the balance of power that had been in place since the very beginning of the Eastern crisis. The war with Turkey created for Russia the risk of a collision with England and Austria. The Russian government did not want to enter into such a conflict, especially in view of the position taken by Germany. As early as February 19, 1878, Bismarck delivered a famous speech in which he declared that in the Eastern question he was nothing more than an "honest broker": his task was to bring the matter to an end as soon as possible. Thus, Bismarck publicly withdrew from active support of the Russian government. Nevertheless, Russian diplomacy once again tried to enlist such support. She remembered how the same Bismarck vigorously incited the Russian government to start a war against Turkey. But it turned out that the chancellor managed to turn into a peacemaker. Now he "advised" Russia, in the interests of peace, to agree to convene a congress. Obviously, Bismarck expected that German diplomacy would be able to earn something in this international Areopagus. The Russian government had no choice but to come to terms with such a need. The commanders-in-chief of both armies (Balkan and Caucasian), Grand Dukes Nikolai Nikolayevich and Mikhail Nikolayevich, Minister of War Milyutin, Minister of Finance Reitern, as well as Gorchakov, all considered further war undesirable.

We must do justice to Beaconsfield: after all the hesitations and mistakes, at this decisive moment he correctly understood his tactical task. It was necessary to convince the Russian government that England was really ready to fight if Russia did not yield. Therefore, Beaconsfield continued his demonstrative military preparations. In protest against these measures, Lord Derby resigned for the second time.

For the Russian government, the departure of Lord Derby from the post of minister was a great loss. This minister most of all contained the hostility of Beaconsfield. It meant something to Russia and Lady Derby. As is known from recent publications, the minister's wife, being on friendly terms with Shuvalov, from the very beginning of the crisis informed the Russian ambassador about everything that was happening in the British cabinet.

Lord Derby was succeeded by Lord Salisbury. He was a man of great diplomatic talents. He did not share the aggressive plans of Beaconsfield and doubted the correctness of his policy. By the way, Salisbury once expressed the opinion that by supporting Turkey, England "betting on the wrong horse." Salisbury had long been a supporter of an agreement with Russia, but he believed that she should first be thoroughly intimidated. This is what his first performances were designed for. They prompted Shuvalov to ask Salisbury what, in essence, changes to the San Stefano treaty the British government is seeking. The result of this were negotiations, which on May 30, 1878 ended with the signing of the Anglo-Russian agreement. Under this agreement, Bulgaria moved away from Constantinople for defensive line Balkan ridge. England pledged not to object to the transfer of Batum and Kars to Russia and to the return of Bessarabia to her. For this, the British Cabinet compensated itself with an agreement with Turkey. Soon Layard was sent a draft Anglo-Turkish treaty. "In the event that Batum, Ardagan, Kare, or one of these places are held by Russia," this document read, England undertakes "by force of arms" to help the sultan defend Turkey's Asian possessions against any new Russian encroachment. The further text of the treaty testified that the British "assistance" was offered to Turkey far from disinterestedly. "In order to enable England to secure the conditions necessary for the fulfillment of her obligations," we read in the treaty, "his Imperial Majesty the Sultan agrees to grant her the occupation and administration of the island of Cyprus." In the event that Russia returns Kare and its other acquisitions in Armenia to Turkey, Cyprus will be evacuated by England, and the entire treaty will lose force. Finally, the Sultan promised to introduce reforms that would improve the position of his Christian subjects in the Asian possessions of Turkey. Such an obligation of the Sultan to England allowed her to interfere in the internal affairs of Turkey 1 .

1 (S. Noradounghian, Recueil d "actes internationaux de l" Empire Ottoman, v. Ill, p. 522-523.)

The Sultan was given 48 hours to respond; in other words, he was presented with an ultimatum. On June 4, the Cyprus Convention was signed. And yet, after a while, the Sultan refused to issue a firman on the cession of Cyprus. Beaconsfield was not embarrassed by such a "trifle": the British occupied the island without any firman. The Sultan had no choice but to retroactively issue a firman "on the voluntary transfer of the island."

On June 6, an agreement was signed between England and Austria on a joint political line at the forthcoming congress. Both governments agreed not to allow the expansion of Bulgarian territory south of the Balkan Range and to limit the period of Russian occupation of Bulgaria to six months. England pledged to support Austria-Hungary's claims to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The congress opened on June 13, 1878 in Berlin. Representatives of the Balkan states were admitted to it, but not as full members congress. The delegations of the great powers were headed by the ministers of foreign affairs or by prime ministers - Bismarck, Gorchakov, Beaconsfield, Andrássy, Waddington and Corti 1 . Each delegation consisted of several people. Of the so-called second delegates, Salisbury and Shuvalov played an important role. Bismarck presided as host. He established the following working method. As chairman, he outlined the agenda of the meeting and outlined the next issue; then the debate began. If serious disagreements were discovered, Bismarck summarized the debate, closed the meeting and transferred the resolution of the controversial issue to the discussion of interested delegations in the form of private negotiations. When the parties came to an agreement, at one of the following meetings the question was raised again for the official formulation of the decision.

1 (The last two were delegates from France and Italy.)

Bismarck treated the representatives of the Balkan states and Turkey with undisguised contempt. He rudely told the Turkish delegates that he was rather indifferent to the fate of Turkey. If he wastes his time at a convention in the heat of the summer, he does so only to prevent conflicts between the great powers. He lamented how much energy goes into discussing the fate of such "stinky nests" as Larissa, Trikala or other Balkan cities.

The basic contours of the decisions of the congress were outlined already in the Anglo-Russian agreement of 30 May. But there the borders of Bulgaria were defined only in general terms. Meanwhile, their details in connection with strategic importance Balkan passes were of very serious importance. Therefore, there was a lively debate around these issues. Disputes also aroused the question of the scope of the rights of the Sultan in the southern part of Bulgaria, located south of the Balkan Range: here it was decided to form an autonomous province of the Ottoman Empire under the name of Eastern Rumelia. On the day after the opening of the congress, the English press published an exposure of the Anglo-Russian agreement of 30 May. This caused a sensation. The disclosure of the preliminary deal with Russia prompted Disraeli to take the most irreconcilable position at Congress: in England he was reproached for being too compliant, especially since the Cyprus Convention, with which he rewarded himself, was still a secret to the public. On June 20, due to disagreements over the status of Eastern Rumelia and the fate of the Sanjak of Sofia, Disraeli even ordered an emergency train for himself, threatening to leave the congress. In the end, through the mediation of Bismarck, the controversial issue was settled: the British agreed to the transfer of the Sofia Sanjak to Bulgaria in exchange for granting the Sultan the right to send his troops to Eastern Rumelia. The term of the Russian occupation of Bulgaria was set at 9 months, but Russia was left with the mission to organize government power in the Bulgarian principality.

The occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary went more or less smoothly at the congress. England and Germany supported Austria, but Russia could deviate from the obligations assumed under the Budapest Convention of 1877. Turkey objected, but her voice was not taken into account. Italy was very annoyed, wanting to receive "compensation" for herself for the strengthening of Austria-Hungary. "On what basis do the Italians demand an increase in territory for themselves? Have they lost the battle again?" - one Russian diplomat wittily remarked, alluding to the territorial gains of Italy received after the war of 1866, despite the crushing defeat at Custozza. The Germans and Austrians offered Italy to take Tunisia; however, at the same time, Bismarck also offered it to the French.

Russian territorial acquisitions in Asia again almost did not lead to a crisis in the Congress. The Anglo-Russian agreement of 30 May stated that Russia would "occupy" Batum; and Salisbury and Beaconsfield used this wording to claim that they did not consent to the annexation of Batum, but only to its occupation. In exchange for a concession on this issue, they demanded Russia's consent to the English interpretation of the status of the straits, trying to achieve access to the Black Sea for the English fleet. Salisbury announced that the principle of closing the straits, established by the conventions of 1841 and 1871, was in the nature of an obligation of the powers to the sultan. Consequently, this obligation falls away if the sultan himself invites one or another fleet to the straits. On the part of the Russian delegation, such an interpretation met with a decisive rebuff. Shuvalov issued a declaration in which he stated that the obligations to close the straits were taken by the powers not only to the Sultan, but also to each other. This controversy ended with the fact that Batum, as well as Kara and Ardagan, were nevertheless given to Russia. Bayazet remained behind Turkey. Finally, the congress upheld the resolution of the San Stefano Treaty on Bessarabia, Dobruja, and the independence of Montenegro, Serbia and Romania.

On July 13, the congress ended its work with the signing of the Treaty of Berlin, which replaced the Treaty of San Stefano. Russia was deprived of a significant part of the fruits of its victory. "Defenders" of Turkey, England and Austria, without a shot captured: the first - Cyprus, the second - Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, the essence of the Berlin Treaty was reduced to a partial division of Turkey. "They are plundering Turkey," 1 was how Lenin characterized the Berlin Congress.

1 (Lenin, Notebooks on Imperialism, Politizdat, 1939, p. 624.)

German Empire
UK UK
Third French Republic Third French Republic
Ottoman Empire Ottoman Empire
Austria-Hungary Austria-Hungary
Kingdom of Italy Kingdom of Italy
Issues considered results

Making agreed decisions on the issues under consideration
Signing of the Berlin Treaty

Berlin Congress of 1878(1 () June - 1 (13) July) - international congress, convened to revise the terms of the San Stefano Peace Treaty of 1878, which ended the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878. It ended with the signing of the Treaty of Berlin. Congress meetings were held in the building of the Reich Chancellery.

The terms of the San Stefano peace treaty were sharply criticized by the European powers. London considered the Balkan Range to be the best frontier for Bulgaria. Austria-Hungary declared violations of previous Austro-Russian agreements. Austria-Hungary and England opposed the strengthening of Russia's positions in the Balkans, against the national liberation of the Slavic peoples of the Balkan Peninsula, especially against the formation of a large Slavic state there - Bulgaria.

It was obvious that Russia would start new war against the coalition was not able to. Support from Germany also could not be expected. In private conversations with the Russian ambassador in Germany, Bismarck recommended agreeing to discuss the terms of the treaty at an international congress.

Once in isolation, St. Petersburg was forced to recognize the treaty as preliminary and agree to its revision at the Berlin Congress. The congress was attended by representatives of Russia, England, Austria-Hungary and Germany. Also present were delegations from France (led by Foreign Minister Waddington), Italy (Foreign Minister Corti) and Turkey (Carathéodory). Representatives of Greece, Iran, Romania, Montenegro and Serbia were invited to the congress.

However, this pressure (or its imitation) on India in the depths of Asia did not help Russian diplomacy at the congress.

The Congress of Berlin was preceded by a series of agreements. On May 18 (30), 1878, a secret Anglo-Russian agreement took place, which predetermined in general terms the terms of the revision of the San Stefano Treaty. On May 23 (June 4), England signed a secret treaty with Turkey on a defensive alliance - the Cyprus Convention, according to which Great Britain received the right to occupy Cyprus and the right to control the Turkish government's reforms in Asia Minor. England, on the other hand, undertook to defend the borders in Asia by "force of arms" if Russia demanded their correction outside the limits determined in San Stefano. The Anglo-Austrian agreement of May 25 (June 6) also determined the general line of conduct for both powers at the congress.

The German Chancellor Bismarck presided over the congress. Critical Issues usually preliminary decided at private meetings of representatives of Germany, England, Austria-Hungary and Russia, whose delegations were headed respectively by Bismarck, Prime Minister B. Beaconsfield (see Disraeli), Foreign Minister D. Andrássy and Chancellor A. M. Gorchakov. The disputes were mainly about Bulgaria, whose territory, defined by the Treaty of San Stefano, Austria-Hungary and England wanted to cut to a minimum, about Bosnia and Herzegovina, claimed by Austria-Hungary, and about the territory in Transcaucasia, seceded from Turkey to Russia, against which England protested. Bismarck declared himself a neutral intermediary, but in fact supported the demands of Austria-Hungary and England, forcing Russia to accept most of them.

Berlin treatise

1(14) July was signed Berlin treatise, which was the result of the work Berlin Congress convened on the initiative of the Western powers to revise the terms of the San Stefano Treaty to the detriment of Russia and the Slavic peoples of the Balkan Peninsula.

Bulgaria was divided into three parts: a vassal principality from the Danube to the Balkans, centered in Sofia; Bulgarian lands south of the Balkans formed an autonomous province of the Turkish Empire - Eastern Rumelia with its center in Philippopolis; Macedonia - the lands to the Adriatic and the Aegean were returned to Turkey without any change in status.
Bulgaria, centered in Sofia, was declared an autonomous principality, the elected head of which was approved by the sultan with the consent of the great powers. Temporary administration of Bulgaria until the introduction of a constitution in it was retained by the Russian commandant, however, the period of stay of Russian troops in Bulgaria was limited to 9 months. Turkish troops they did not have the right to be in the principality, but it was obliged to pay an annual tribute to Turkey.
Turkey received the right to protect the borders of Eastern Rumelia with the forces of only regular troops located in the border garrisons.
Thrace and Albania remained with Turkey. In these provinces, as well as in Crete and Turkish Armenia, Turkey undertook to reform local government in accordance with the organic regulations of 1868, equalizing the rights of Christians with Muslims.
Turkey renounced in favor of Persia the rights to the disputed border town of Khotur ( 38°28′17″ N sh. 44°24′00″ E d. / 38.47139° N sh. 44.40000° E d. / 38.47139; 44.40000(G) (I)).
The independence of Montenegro, Serbia and the Romanian Principality was recognized.
The territorial increments of Montenegro and Serbia, provided for by the Treaty of San Stefano, were cut.
Montenegro, which received the port of Antibari on the Adriatic Sea, was deprived of the right to have a fleet, and maritime and sanitary control in these waters was transferred to Austria-Hungary.
The territory of Serbia increased somewhat, but not at the expense of Bosnia, but at the expense of the lands claimed by Bulgaria.
The Romanian Principality received the Bulgarian Northern Dobruja and the Danube Delta.
Austria-Hungary achieved the right to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina and place garrisons between Serbia and Montenegro - in the Novopazar Sanjak, which remained with Turkey.
The correction of the Greek-Turkish border was left to the negotiations of these two countries, mediated by the European powers, in case they failed. The final decision to increase the territory of Greece was made in the city by the transfer of Thessaly and part of Epirus to Greece.
The freedom of navigation along the Danube from the Black Sea to the Iron Gates was guaranteed.
Russia abandoned Bayazet and the Alashkert valley and acquired only Ardagan, Kars and Batumi, in which it undertook to introduce a free port regime (port of free trade). South Bessarabia passed to Russia.

The Treaty of Berlin remained in force until the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, but some of its provisions remained unfulfilled or were later changed. Thus, the reforms of local self-government promised by Turkey in the areas inhabited by Christians were not carried out. Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia in the city merged into a single principality (see Bulgarian crisis). In Russia, free port in Batum has been cancelled. In the city, Bulgaria declared itself a kingdom independent of Turkey, and Austria-Hungary turned the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina into an annexation.

According to the English historian A. Taylor, the Berlin Treaty "was a kind of watershed", which was preceded by 30 years of wars, and after it peacetime was established for 34 years. However, this appearance concealed a tense diplomatic struggle and the threat of war was constantly hanging in Europe.

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Notes

Sources

Debidur A. Diplomatic history of Europe. Rostov-on-Don: Phoenix, 1995. Vol. 2 P. 450-469. ISBN 5-85880-089-0
Collection of treaties between Russia and other states, 1856-1917, M., 1952.
History of Diplomacy, 2nd ed., vol. 2, M., 1963.

Literature

// Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron: in 86 volumes (82 volumes and 4 additional). - St. Petersburg. , 1890-1907.

Great Power Diplomacy 1871-1913

Great powers

Treaties and agreements

Crises and conflicts

Military conflicts

Diplomats and politics

An excerpt characterizing the Berlin Congress

Several tens of thousands of people lay dead in various positions and uniforms in the fields and meadows that belonged to the Davydovs and state peasants, in those fields and meadows where for hundreds of years the peasants of the villages of Borodino, Gorki, Shevardin and Semenovsky had simultaneously harvested and grazed cattle. At the dressing stations for the tithe, the grass and earth were saturated with blood. Crowds of wounded and unwounded different teams of people, with frightened faces, on the one hand wandered back to Mozhaisk, on the other hand - back to Valuev. Other crowds, exhausted and hungry, led by the chiefs, went forward. Others stood still and continued to shoot.
Over the whole field, formerly so cheerfully beautiful, with its sparkles of bayonets and smoke in the morning sun, there was now a haze of dampness and smoke and smelled of a strange acid of saltpeter and blood. Clouds gathered, and it began to rain on the dead, on the wounded, on the frightened, and on the exhausted, and on the doubting people. It was like he was saying, “Enough, enough, people. Stop... Come to your senses. What are you doing?"
Exhausted, without food and without rest, the people of both sides began to equally doubt whether they should still exterminate each other, and hesitation was noticeable on all faces, and in every soul the question was equally raised: “Why, for whom should I kill and be killed? Kill whoever you want, do whatever you want, and I don't want any more!" By the evening this thought had equally matured in the soul of everyone. Any minute all these people could be horrified by what they were doing, drop everything and run anywhere.
But although by the end of the battle people felt the full horror of their act, although they would have been glad to stop, some kind of incomprehensible, mysterious force still continued to guide them, and, sweaty, in gunpowder and blood, remaining one by three, artillerymen, although and stumbling and choking with fatigue, they brought charges, charged, directed, applied wicks; and the cannonballs just as quickly and cruelly flew from both sides and flattened the human body, and that terrible deed continued to be done, which is done not by the will of people, but by the will of the one who guides people and worlds.
Anyone who would look at the upset behinds of the Russian army would say that the French should make one more small effort, and the Russian army will disappear; and whoever looked at the backs of the French would say that the Russians had to make one more small effort and the French would perish. But neither the French nor the Russians made this effort, and the flames of the battle slowly burned out.
The Russians did not make this effort because they did not attack the French. At the beginning of the battle, they only stood on the road to Moscow, blocking it, and in the same way they continued to stand at the end of the battle, as they stood at the beginning of it. But even if the goal of the Russians were to knock down the French, they could not make this last effort, because all the Russian troops were defeated, there was not a single part of the troops that did not suffer in the battle, and the Russians, remaining in their places lost half of their troops.
The French, with the memory of all the previous fifteen years of victories, with confidence in the invincibility of Napoleon, with the consciousness that they had captured part of the battlefield, that they had lost only one quarter of the people and that they still had twenty thousand intact guards, it was easy to make this effort. The French, who attacked the Russian army with the aim of knocking it out of position, had to make this effort, because as long as the Russians, just like before the battle, blocked the road to Moscow, the goal of the French was not achieved and all their efforts and losses were wasted. But the French made no such effort. Some historians say that Napoleon should have given his old guard intact in order for the battle to be won. To talk about what would happen if Napoleon gave his guards is like talking about what would happen if spring became autumn. It couldn't be. It was not Napoleon who did not give his guard, because he did not want to, but this could not be done. All generals, officers, soldiers French army knew that this could not be done, because the fallen spirit of the army did not allow it.
Not only Napoleon experienced that dream-like feeling that the terrible swing of the arm falls powerlessly, but all the generals, all the soldiers of the French army participating and not participating, after all the experiences of previous battles (where, after ten times less effort, the enemy fled), experienced the same feeling of horror before that enemy, who, having lost half of his army, stood just as formidably at the end as at the beginning of the battle. The moral strength of the French attacking army was exhausted. Not that victory, which is determined by picked up pieces of matter on sticks, called banners, and by the space on which the troops stood and are standing, but a moral victory, one that convinces the enemy of the moral superiority of his enemy and of his impotence, was won by the Russians under Borodin. The French invasion, like an angry beast that received a mortal wound in its run, felt its death; but it could not stop, just as the weakest Russian army. After this push, the French army could still reach Moscow; but there, without new efforts on the part of the Russian army, it was to die, bleeding from a fatal wound inflicted at Borodino. A direct consequence of the battle of Borodino was Napoleon's unreasonable flight from Moscow, his return along the old Smolensk road, the death of a five hundred thousandth invasion and the death of Napoleonic France, which for the first time near Borodino was laid down by the strongest enemy in spirit.

The absolute continuity of movement is incomprehensible to the human mind. The laws of any kind of movement become clear to a person only when he considers arbitrarily taken units of this movement. But at the same time, from this arbitrary division of continuous movement into discontinuous units, a large part of human delusions arise.
The so-called sophism of the ancients is known, which consists in the fact that Achilles will never catch up with the tortoise walking in front, despite the fact that Achilles walks ten times faster than the tortoise: as soon as Achilles passes the space separating him from the tortoise, the tortoise will pass ahead of him one tenth of this space; Achilles will go through this tenth, the tortoise will go through one hundredth, and so on ad infinitum. This problem seemed unsolvable to the ancients. The senselessness of the decision (that Achilles will never overtake the tortoise) stemmed from the fact that discontinuous units of movement were arbitrarily allowed, while the movement of both Achilles and the tortoise was continuous.
By accepting smaller and smaller units of motion, we only get closer to the solution of the problem, but we never reach it. Only by assuming an infinitesimal magnitude and a progression ascending from it up to one tenth, and taking the sum of this geometric progression, we reach a solution to the problem. The new branch of mathematics, having achieved the art of dealing with infinitesimal quantities, and in other more complex questions of motion, now provides answers to questions that seemed unsolvable.
This new, unknown to the ancients, branch of mathematics, when considering questions of motion, admitting infinitely small quantities, that is, those at which the main condition of motion (absolute continuity) is restored, thereby corrects that inevitable mistake that the human mind cannot but make when considering instead of continuous movement, individual units of movement.
Exactly the same thing happens in the search for the laws of historical movement.
The movement of mankind, arising from the innumerable number of human arbitrariness, takes place continuously.
Comprehension of the laws of this movement is the goal of history. But in order to comprehend the laws of the continuous movement of the sum of all the arbitrariness of people, the human mind admits arbitrary, discontinuous units. The first method of history is to take an arbitrary series of continuous events and consider them separately from others, while there is not and cannot be the beginning of any event, and always one event continuously follows from another. The second trick is to consider the action of one person, the king, the commander, as the sum of the arbitrariness of people, while the sum of the arbitrariness of people is never expressed in the activity of one historical person.
Historical science in its movement constantly accepts smaller and smaller units for consideration, and in this way strives to approach the truth. But no matter how small the units that history accepts, we feel that the assumption of a unit separated from another, the assumption of the beginning of some phenomenon, and the assumption that the will of all people is expressed in the actions of one historical person, are false in themselves.
Any conclusion of history, without the slightest effort on the part of criticism, falls apart like dust, leaving nothing behind, only as a result of the fact that criticism chooses a larger or smaller discontinuous unit as the object of observation; to which it always has the right, since the historical unit taken is always arbitrary.
Only by allowing an infinitely small unit for observation - the differential of history, that is, the homogeneous inclinations of people, and having achieved the art of integrating (taking the sums of these infinitesimal ones), can we hope to comprehend the laws of history.
The first fifteen years of the nineteenth century in Europe represent an extraordinary movement of millions of people. People leave their usual occupations, rush from one side of Europe to the other, rob, kill one another, triumph and despair, and the whole course of life changes for several years and represents an intensified movement, which at first goes on increasing, then weakening. What is the reason for this movement or according to what laws did it occur? asks the human mind.