The abdication of the throne of Nicholas 2 happened on March 2, 1917, this was preceded by the following events. The beginning of 1917 was marked by growing discontent among the masses. The Russians are tired of the war, of constant casualties, high inflation, exorbitant prices. Russia did not experience all the economic horrors of the war. Against this background, on October 18, 1917, the workers of the Putilov factory went on strike. The authorities decided to severely punish the strikers. A decree was issued to close the Putilov factory. Thousands of people were left without work and means of subsistence. But this only made the situation worse. The dismissed workers of the Putilov factory were joined by other dissatisfied people. On February 25, a mass demonstration was organized in St. Petersburg, in which about 300 thousand people took part. People chanted anti-government slogans and demanded the abdication of Nicholas 2.
The emperor himself at that time was at Headquarters, leading the troops. A telegram was hastily sent to him, in which the events in St. Petersburg were described in detail. In his response, Nicholas 2 demanded that the protesters be punished. On February 26, fire was opened on the crowd, more than 100 people were arrested, and the State Duma was dissolved. These measures did not bring success to the tsarist government. The fourth company of the Peter and Paul Regiment rebelled, opening fire on the mounted police. The situation escalated. Every day everything more people supported the rebels. By March 1, 1917, the entire Petrograd garrison had risen and joined the protesters. The rebels seized weapons, warehouses, railway stations, prisons. The situation in the country was critical. On February 27, the Peter and Paul Fortress and the Winter Palace were captured.
On March 1, 1917, the rebels announced the creation of a Provisional Government, which was supposed to take over the administration of the country. Nicholas 2 was at the front. The telegrams from Russia were getting worse and worse. It was impossible to postpone, and the emperor returned to Russia. February 28 Nicholas 2 went to Tsarskoye Selo. But since the railroad was blocked by the rebels, the emperor went to Pskov.
The people demanded only one thing: the abdication of the throne of Nicholas 2. On March 1, the Chairman of the Provisional Government sent a telegram to the front commander to convince Nicholas to abdicate in favor of his son Alexander. As a result, the abdication became a matter of time, since the entire top military leadership of the country expressed the opinion to the emperor that he should leave power.
On March 2, 1917, Nicholas 2 abdicated the throne. Contrary to the demand of the people, Nicholas appointed his successor not his thirteen-year-old son Alexander, but his brother Mikhail. Michael, under pressure from the political forces of the country, refused the imperial title. He declared that the fate of the country should be decided at the Constituent Assembly.
On March 2, 1917, after the abdication of the throne by Nicholas 2, the rule of the Romanov dynasty ended in Russia. The Russian Empire ceased to exist, as well as the Russian monarchy.
With the abdication of the emperor, the Romanov dynasty also fell. Why did the king take this step? The debate about this fateful decision continues to this day. The site gave its assessment to the event Mikhail Fedorov, candidate historical sciences, Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University.
Empress - to the monastery
“As the revolutionary events of February 1917 developed, the transition of the capital garrison to the side of the rebels, it became clear to a significant part of the elite that changes in the political structure of the state could not be avoided. The existing system of power ceased to meet the interests of the country, interfered with the successful conduct of the First World War - the population lost faith in the crowned bearers. In the upper strata of society, there was an opinion that the removal of the unpopular empress from power would strengthen the authority of the dynasty. The rumor attributed to the wife of Nicholas II Alexandra Feodorovna was spying for Germany, although the upbringing of the granddaughter of Queen Victoria was an Englishwoman, not a German.German propaganda also contributed, German planes scattered leaflets over the positions of the Russian troops depicting the reigning couple with the icon of George the Victorious and Grigory Rasputin, accompanying them with the signatures “the king with Egor, the queen with Grigory”. Alluding to the love affair of the Empress with the "old man".
Even before the February events, there was a plan among the opposition to imprison the empress, who was actively interfering in government, in a monastery, and send Nicholas II to the Crimea. The heir to the throne, Alexei, was supposed to be proclaimed emperor under the regency of the younger brother of the tsar, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. The scope of the revolutionary events in Petrograd made it impossible to take half measures. No extension of the rights of the Duma in the form of a government appointed by it, and not by the tsar, could satisfy the revolutionary masses. They believed that the revolution had won and the dynasty had been overthrown.
The main problem of the last tsar was the lack of prompt and accurate information about the events in Petrograd. Being at the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief (Mogilev) or while traveling on trains, he received news from various conflicting sources and belatedly. If the empress from the quiet Tsarskoe Selo informed Nikolai that nothing particularly terrible was happening, then messages came from the head of government, the military authorities, from State Duma Chairman Mikhail Rodzianko that the city was in the grip of an uprising and decisive measures were needed.“There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed... General discontent is growing. Parts of the troops are shooting at each other ... Any delay is like death, ”he wrote to the emperor on February 26. To which the latter does not respond, calling the message "nonsense".
Hatred for the dynasty
By the end of the day on February 27, the tsar was faced with a dilemma - either make concessions to the rebels, or take drastic measures. He chose the second path - a punitive detachment of General Ivanov, known for his determination and cruelty, was sent to the capital.
hatred for royal family went wild in society. Photo: Public Domain
However, while Ivanov was getting there, the situation in Petrograd changed, and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies, representing the revolutionary masses, came to the fore. If the latter believed that the liquidation of the monarchy in Russia was a fact, then the Provisional Committee sought to compromise with the regime and transition to a constitutional monarchy.
The high military command at Headquarters and the fronts, which previously unconditionally supported Nicholas II, began to lean towards the idea that it would be better to sacrifice the tsar, but save the dynasty and successfully continue the war with Germany, than get involved in civil war with the troops of the capital's military garrison and suburbs who went over to the side of the rebels, and to expose the front. Moreover, having met with the Tsarskoye Selo garrison, which also went over to the side of the revolution, the punisher Ivanov withdrew his echelons from the capital.
Finding himself in Pskov on March 1, 1917, where Nicholas got stuck while advancing to Tsarskoe Selo, he began to receive a rapidly increasing flow of information about events in the capital and more and more demands from the Provisional Committee. The final blow was Rodzianko's proposal to abdicate in favor of his young son Alexei, under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, since "hatred of the dynasty reached its extreme limits." Rodzianko believed that the tsar's voluntary abdication would calm the revolutionary masses, and most importantly, would prevent the Petrograd Soviet from overthrowing the monarchy.
For myself and for my son
Renunciation Manifesto. Photo: Public Domain
The abdication proposal was presented to the monarch by the commander of the Northern Front, General Nikolai Ruzsky. And all the commanders of the fronts and fleets were sent telegrams with a request to support the abdication of the king. At first, under various pretexts, Nikolai tried to delay the resolution of the issue and refuse to abdicate, but, having received news that the entire high command of the country, including the generals of the headquarters of the Northern Front, was asking him to do so, he was forced to agree. Hence, “treason, cowardice and deceit are all around” - the famous phrase of Nicholas II, recorded in his diary on the day of abdication.
The abdication of the throne in favor of the 12-year-old Tsarevich Alexei was signed right in the car of the royal train. However, the abdication telegrams were never sent to the Stavka and Rodzianko. Under pressure from his retinue, Nikolai changed his mind. The tsar was convinced that such a renunciation meant separation from his only son, Tsarevich Alexei, who was terminally ill with hemophilia. The boy's illness was carefully concealed from those around him and was the reason for a special position at the Court of Grigory Rasputin.
The elder was the only person in Russia, which could stop bleeding from the heir, official medicine was powerless. The transfer of a son into the hands of a regent brother, married in a morganatic marriage to a twice-divorced woman, the daughter of a Moscow lawyer, which was considered the height of obscenity, was absolutely unacceptable for Nicholas II.
Therefore, when, in the strictest secrecy, Rodzianko's envoys arrived in Pskov, making sure that abdication was inevitable, he renounced for himself and for his son. In violation of all laws Russian Empire, transferring power to the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.
The legal side of the abdication of God's anointed emperor of all Rus' gave rise to many rumors. Why did the king do this? Did he not have a plan, under favorable circumstances, to renounce his abdication and reassume the throne?
It is practically impossible to answer this question now. However, the version about the desire of the unfortunate father to save the life of a sick child as long as possible seems to be quite solid. The renunciation for himself and for his son confused the cards of the Duma elite. Mikhail Alexandrovich also did not dare to accept the crown, having realistically assessed the scope of the revolutionary movement in the country. The 300-year-old Romanov dynasty fell.On March 9, 2017, at 11:30 a.m., Nicholas II arrived in Tsarskoye Selo as "Colonel Romanov." The day before, the new commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District, General Lavr Kornilov, personally arrested the Empress. According to the recollections of those close to him, the tsar asked to be left in Russia, “to live with a family as a simple peasant” and earn his own bread.
This was not destined to come true. Together with his entire family and devoted servants, the last Russian emperor was shot by the Bolsheviks in Yekaterinburg on July 17, 1918.
Those who happened to be present on that fateful day (March 2, 1917) in the car of the royal train could hardly guess that the date of the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne not only ended the period of the next reign, but also opened the gates to a new world, terrible and merciless. In its bloody whirlpool, which destroyed the dynasty that ruled for three centuries, was destined to perish all the foundations of life that had developed over the thousand-year history of Russia.
Issues requiring immediate resolution
The reasons for the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne lie in the deepest political and economic crisis that broke out in Russia by the beginning of 1917. The sovereign, who was in Mogilev in those days, received the first information about the impending catastrophe on February 27. The telegram, which arrived from Petrograd, reported on the riots taking place in the city.
It talked about the atrocities committed by crowds of soldiers of the reserve battalion, along with civilians, robbed shops and smashed police stations. The situation was aggravated by the fact that all attempts to pacify the street crowds led only to spontaneous bloodshed.
The situation that arose required the adoption of urgent and decisive measures, however, none of those present at the Headquarters at that time took the liberty of taking any initiative, and, thus, all responsibility fell on the sovereign. In the debate that flared up between them, the majority tended to think about the need for concessions to the State Duma and the transfer of powers to create a government to it. Among the senior command staff, who gathered in those days at Headquarters, no one has yet considered the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne as one of the options for solving the problem.
Date, photo and chronology of the events of those days
On February 28, the most optimistic generals still saw hope in the formation of a cabinet of leading public figures. These people did not realize that they were witnessing the beginning of that very senseless and merciless Russian revolt, which cannot be stopped by any administrative measures.
The date of the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne was inexorably approaching, but in these last days of his reign, the sovereign was still trying to take measures in order to take the situation under control. The photo in the article shows the sovereign-emperor in those days full of drama. On his orders, the well-known military general N.I. Ivanov, who was undergoing treatment in the Crimea, arrived at the Headquarters. A responsible mission was entrusted to him: at the head of the battalion of the Cavaliers of St. George, to go to restore order, first to Tsarskoe Selo, and then to Petrograd.
Failed attempt to break into Petrograd
In addition, the sovereign on the same day sent a telegram to the Chairman of the State Duma, M. V. Rodzianko, in which he expressed his consent to the creation of a ministry formed from the deputies they had designated. In the early morning of the next day, the imperial train departed from the platform and took the direction to Petrograd, but it was not destined to arrive there at the appointed time.
When we arrived at the Malaya Vishera station in the early morning of March 1, and no more than two hundred miles remained to the rebellious capital, it became known that further advancement was impossible, since the stations along the way were occupied by revolutionary-minded soldiers. This clearly demonstrated the scope that the anti-government protests took on, and with frightening clarity laid bare the full depth of the tragedy, the culminating moment of which was the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne.
Return to Pskov
It was dangerous to linger in Malaya Vishera, and the environment convinced the tsar to follow to Pskov. There, at the headquarters of the Northern Front, they could rely on the protection of those who remained true to the oath. military units under the command of General N. V. Rozovsky. Heading there and stopping along the way at the station in Staraya Russa, Nicholas for the last time witnessed how the crowds of people gathered on the platform, taking off their hats, and many kneeling, greeted their sovereign.
Revolutionary Petrograd
Such an expression of loyal feelings, which had a centuries-old tradition, was perhaps observed only in the provinces. Petersburg was seething in the cauldron of the revolution. Here, the royal power was no longer recognized by anyone. The streets were full of joyful excitement. Scarlet flags and hastily painted banners were blazing everywhere, calling for the overthrow of the autocracy. Everything foreshadowed the imminent and inevitable abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne.
Briefly listing the most characteristic events of those days, eyewitnesses noted that the enthusiasm of the crowd sometimes took on the character of hysteria. It seemed to many that everything gloomy in their life was already behind them, and joyful and bright days were coming. At an extraordinary meeting of the State Duma, an urgent order was formed, which included many enemies of Nicholas II, and among them - an ardent opponent of monarchism, a member of A.F. Kerensky.
At the main entrance to where the State Duma met, there was an endless rally, at which speakers, replaced by an uninterrupted succession, further fueled the enthusiasm of the crowd. Special success the minister of justice of the newly formed government, the aforementioned A.F. Kerensky, used it here. His speeches were invariably met with universal jubilation. He became a universal idol.
Transfer of military units to the side of the rebels
Violating the earlier oath, the military units located in St. Petersburg began to swear allegiance to the Provisional Government, which largely made the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne inevitable, since the sovereign lost the support of his main stronghold - armed forces. Even the king's cousin, Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich, together with the Guards crew entrusted to him, took the side of the rebels.
In this tense and chaotic situation, the new authorities were naturally interested in the question of where in this moment was the king, and what actions should be taken against him. It was clear to everyone that the days of his reign were numbered, and if the date for the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne had not yet been set, then it was only a matter of time.
Now the usual "sovereign-emperor" has been replaced by derogatory epithets "despot" and "tyrant". Especially ruthless was the rhetoric of those days to the empress - a German by birth. In the mouths of those who only yesterday shone with benevolence, she suddenly became a "traitor" and "a secret agent of Russia's enemies."
The role of M. in the events
A complete surprise for the members of the Duma was the parallel body of power that arose at their side - the Soviet of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies, which shocked everyone with the extreme leftism of its slogans. At one of his meetings, Rodzianko tried to make a pathetic and pompous speech calling for unity and the continuation of the war to a victorious end, but was booed and hastened to retreat.
In order to restore order in the country, the chairman of the Duma developed a plan, the main point of which was the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne. Briefly, it boiled down to the fact that the monarch, unpopular among the people, should transfer power to his son. The sight of a young heir who had not yet had time to compromise himself in any way, in his opinion, could calm the hearts of the rebels and lead everyone to mutual agreement. Until he came of age, the king's brother was appointed regent - with whom Rodzianko hoped to find a common language.
After discussing this project with the most authoritative Duma members, it was decided to immediately go to Headquarters, where, as they knew, the sovereign was, and not to return back without obtaining his consent. In order to avoid unforeseen complications, they decided to act covertly, not making their intentions public. Such an important mission was entrusted to two reliable deputies - V. V. Shulgin and A. I. Guchkov.
At Headquarters of the Army of the Northern Front
On the same evening, March 1, 1917, the royal train approached the platform of the Pskov railway station. The members of the retinue were unpleasantly struck by the almost complete absence of those who greeted them. At the royal carriage, only the figures of the governor, several representatives of the local administration, as well as a dozen officers were visible. The commander of the garrison, General N. V. Ruzsky, led everyone to the final despondency. In response to a request for assistance to the sovereign, he, waving his hand, replied that the only thing that can now be counted on is the mercy of the winner.
In his carriage, the sovereign received the general, and their conversation continued until late at night. At that time, the manifesto of Nicholas 2 on the abdication of the throne was already prepared, but the final decision was not made. From the memoirs of Ruzsky himself, it is known that Nikolai reacted extremely negatively to the prospect of transferring power into the hands of members of the new government - people, in his opinion, superficial and unable to take responsibility for the future of Russia.
On the same night, General N. V. Ruzsky contacted N. V. Rodzianko by telephone and discussed what was happening with him in a long conversation. The Chairman of the Duma stated bluntly that the general mood was leaning toward the need for renunciation, and there was simply no other way out. Urgent telegrams were sent from the Headquarters of the Commander-in-Chief to the commanders of all fronts, in which they were informed that, in view of the prevailing emergency circumstances, the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne, the date of which will be set for the next day, is the only possible measure to establish order in the country. Their responses expressed their full support for the decision.
Meeting with Duma envoys
The last hours of the reign of the seventeenth sovereign from the House of Romanov were running out. With all inevitability, an event was approaching Russia that became a turning point in the course of its history - the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne. The year 1917 was the last of the twenty-two years of his reign. Still secretly hoping for some unknown to them, but favorable outcome affairs, everyone was waiting for the arrival of the Duma deputies sent from St. Petersburg, as if their arrival could influence the course of history.
Shulgin and Guchkov arrived by the end of the day. From the memoirs of the participants in the events of that evening, it is known that the appearance of the envoys of the rebellious capital fully betrayed the depression caused by the mission entrusted to them: shaking hands, confusion in their eyes, and heavy, intermittent breathing. They were not aware that today the unthinkable yesterday's abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne became a resolved issue. The date, the manifesto, and other issues related to this act were already thought out, prepared and resolved.
A. I. Guchkov spoke in tense silence. In a quiet, somewhat choked voice, he began to talk about the fact that in in general terms was known before. Having outlined all the hopelessness of the situation in St. Petersburg and announcing the creation of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, he moved on to the main issue, for which he arrived on this cold March day at Headquarters - the need for the abdication of the sovereign from the throne in favor of his son.
The signature that turned the tide of history
Nicholas listened to him in silence, without interrupting. When Guchkov fell silent, the sovereign answered in an even and, as it seemed to everyone, calm voice that, having thought over everything possible options actions, he also came to the conclusion that it was necessary to leave the throne. He is ready to renounce him, but he will name his successor not a son suffering from an incurable blood disease, but his own brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.
This was a complete surprise not only for the Duma envoys, but for all those present. After a moment of confusion caused by such an unexpected turn of events, an exchange of opinions began, after which Guchkov announced that in view of the lack of a choice, they were ready to accept this option as well. The emperor retired to his office and a minute later appeared with a draft manifesto in his hands. After some amendments were made to it, the sovereign put his signature on it. History has preserved for us the chronology of this moment: Nicholas 2 signed the abdication at 23:40 on March 2, 1917.
Colonel Romanov
Everything that happened deeply shocked the dethroned monarch. Those who had a chance to communicate with him in the first days of March said that he was in a fog, but, thanks to his military bearing and upbringing, he behaved impeccably. Only as the date of the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne went into the past, life returned to him.
Even in the first, most difficult days for him, he considered it his duty to head to Mogilev to say goodbye to the remaining loyal troops. Here the news of his brother's refusal to become his successor on the Russian throne reached him. In Mogilev, Nicholas's last meeting with his mother, the Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna, who came specially to see her son, took place. Having said goodbye to her, the former sovereign, and now just Colonel Romanov, departed for Tsarskoe Selo, where his wife and children had remained all this time.
In those days, hardly anyone could fully realize what a tragedy the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne was for Russia. The date, briefly mentioned today in all history textbooks, has become the verge of two eras, which, a country with a thousand-year history, was in the hands of those demons that F. M. Dostoevsky warned her about in his brilliant novel.
From a spiritual point of view
“Glorified by the Almighty God, he does not need human rehabilitation,” says P. Multatuli.
From a legal point of view
The laws of the Russian Empire did not have such articles as the abdication of the reigning monarch. Lawyers argue that the document has no legal force. The manifesto of Nicholas II was never published by the Senate, as required by the law of that time, and its compilation took place outside the participation of the Sovereign himself, as the bearer of supreme power. That is, the very fact of the Emperor's abdication from the throne does not exist.
From a historical point of view
Aggregate historical sources testifies that by the beginning of 1916, a conspiracy was finally formed between the liberal-Cadet opposition and revolutionary groups that had close ties with certain political and financial forces in the West, which aimed to overthrow Emperor Nicholas II from the throne.
Later, a headquarters was created headed by A.I. Guchkov, who intended to replace the monarchical current ruler with a minor constitutional one.
The plan of the conspirators was to seize imperial train during one of the trips of the sovereign to Headquarters. Having arrested the Sovereign, it was supposed to immediately force him to abdicate in favor of Tsarevich Alexei under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, and in case of refusal, to kill him. At the same time, a constitutional system would be introduced in the country.
The author of this plan was Guchkov. Appropriate manifestos were prepared in advance. It was supposed to do all this at night, and in the morning all of Russia and the army would know about the renunciation. All this was performed in the fateful February-March days February Revolution 1917.
However, A.F. had his own plans. Kerensky, who saw Russia after the coup only as a democratic republic, which would be headed not by a regency council, but by a constituent assembly. Those. not a monarchy in any form, but a republic. And Kerensky made the Guchkov plan part of his plan, because he knew that by acting openly, he would not succeed.
Guchkov established contacts with the highest military command: the chief of staff of the Headquarters, Adjutant General M.V. Alekseev, Commander-in-Chief of the armies of the Northern Front, Adjutant General N.V. Ruzsky, Commander-in-Chief of the armies of the Southwestern Front, Adjutant General A.A. Brusilov, Alekseev's deputy, cavalry general V.I. Gurko. They played a decisive role in the success of the coup.
The question of renunciation was a foregone conclusion.
On February 22, 1917, the Sovereign was lured to Headquarters by General Alekseev and cut off from the capital, where riots immediately broke out. The sovereign's order to send troops to suppress the unrest was not carried out. The sovereign was captured by conspirators and deprived of liberty.
What is the paper that is considered to be a manifesto?
“The so-called renunciation manifesto is a fabricated fake. It is compiled with flagrant violations pre-revolutionary paperwork, has edits, erasures, printed using different typewriters,” says P. Multatuli.
It can be seen that the paper was torn, i.e. was composed of pieces of different texts.
It can be seen that the letter "y" in the first half of the text is not printed, and in the second it is printed clearly and clearly.
It can be seen that the inscription "G. Pskov" was printed on a different typewriter.
Instead of the headline preceding the manifesto, there is an inscription: "To the Chief of Staff." It was about the chief of staff of the conspirators. It can be assumed that this is Kerensky, to whom Guchkov sent a telegram stating that the sovereign agreed to abdicate.
The Sovereign's signature was made in pencil and circled through the glass.
Nicholas II always personally compiled the most important documents. Therefore, another document proves the inconsistency of the false manifesto: a draft of the draft manifesto on renunciation, compiled in Supreme High Command. The main text is typewritten. But contains edits by hand. At the end of the document, Alekseev's handwritten words are the beginning of a fabricated renunciation manifesto.
Thus, Nicholas II never wrote or signed the renunciation manifesto! He was captured by conspirators on a train at the Pskov station. Bottom and forcibly deprived of power in favor of the provisional government.
There was no denial!
It's not the tsar who abdicated, it's Russia that abdicated the tsar.
On February 23, 1917, a revolution began in Petrograd. Nicholas II, who was at Headquarters in Mogilev, on the evening of February 27, gave an order to General N.I. Ivanov with reliable units (battalions of the Cavaliers of St. George from the security of the Headquarters) move in echelons to Petrograd to restore order. To help him, several regiments of infantry and cavalry from the Western and Northern fronts were to be allocated. The tsar himself went to Petrograd, but not directly: through the Dno and Bologoe stations. Tsarist trains moved to Nikolaevskaya (now Oktyabrskaya) railway, but 200 km from the capital were stopped by the rebel railway workers. Returning back, the letter trains of the tsar and his retinue proceeded to Pskov - to the headquarters of the Northern Front. Meanwhile, Ivanov's detachment was also not allowed to enter the insurgent Petrograd. Chief of Staff of the Headquarters, General M.V. Alekseev and the commanders of the fronts of the regiment did not send him to help. In the meantime, Alekseev sent telegrams to all the commanders of the fronts and fleets with a proposal to speak for or against the abdication of the king from the throne in favor of the heir under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. Almost all of them, except for one, supported the renunciation. Arriving in Pskov, the tsar found out that the army had turned away from him.
On the night of March 2, members of the State Duma, the leader of the Octobrists A.I., arrived in Pskov. Guchkov and nationalists - V.V. Shulgin with the project of renunciation. But the king refused to sign it, saying that he could not part with his sick son. The tsar himself wrote the text of the renunciation, in which, in violation of the Decree of Paul I on succession to the throne, he renounced both for himself and for his son in favor of brother Michael.
Whether this was a cunning tactical move, which subsequently gave the right to declare the renunciation invalid, or not, is unknown. The emperor did not give any heading to his statement and did not address his subjects, as was customary in the most important cases, or to the Senate, which, according to the law, published the royal orders, but casually addressed it: "Chief of Staff." Some historians believe that this testified to a misunderstanding of the importance of the moment: "I surrendered the great empire as the command of a squadron." It seems, however, that this is not at all the case: by this appeal former king made it clear who he considered the culprit of the renunciation.
Shulgin, so as not to give the impression that the renunciation had been torn out by force, asked the tsar, who was already ex, to date the documents at 3 o'clock in the afternoon. Those signed after the abdication were dated two hours earlier, i.e. illegal, decrees on the appointment of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich as the supreme commander again, and the head of Zemgor, Prince G.E., as chairman of the Council of Ministers. Lvov. Through these documents, the delegates from the Duma hoped to create the appearance of continuity between the military and civil authority. The next morning, March 3, after negotiations with members of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, Grand Duke Mikhail issued a statement saying that he could take power only by the will of the people, expressed by the Constituent Assembly, elected on the basis of universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage , but for now called on all citizens of the Russian power to submit to the Provisional Government. According to the memoirs of Shulgin, Rodzianko was the last person the Grand Duke consulted with before signing the act of refusal to accept the throne.
Kerensky warmly shook the hand of the failed emperor, declaring that he would tell everyone what a noble man he was. After reviewing the text of the act, the former tsar wrote in his diary: “And who just suggested such disgusting things to Misha?”
300-year-old Romanov monarchy (since the second half of XVIII V. - Holstein-Gottorp-Romanov) fell almost without resistance. In a few days, Russia became the freest country in the world. The people were armed and aware of their strength.
"IN THE SAKE OF GOOD, PEACE AND SALVATION OF DEARLY BELOVED RUSSIA"
“At an early dinner in the house of the Commander-in-Chief, General Ruzsky turned to me and General Savich, the Chief Head of Supply of the armies of the front, with a request to be with him at the Sovereign Emperor’s afternoon report.
Your opinions, as my closest collaborators, will be very valuable as a reinforcement to my arguments. - The sovereign is already aware that I will come to him with you ...
There was no need to object, and at about 2 1/2 o'clock in the afternoon the three of us were already entering the carriage to the Sovereign. ….
We were all very worried. - The sovereign addressed me first.
Your Imperial Majesty, I said. - I am well aware of the strength of your love for the Motherland. And I am sure that for her sake, for the sake of saving the dynasty and the possibility of bringing the war to a successful end, you will make the sacrifice that the situation requires of you. I see no other way out of the situation than the one outlined by the Chairman of the State Duma and supported by the senior commanders of the Army in the Field!..
And what is your opinion, the Sovereign turned to my neighbor General Savich, who apparently with difficulty restrained the impulse of excitement that was choking him.
I, I am ... a direct person ... about whom you, Your Majesty, probably heard from General Dedulin (Former Palace Commandant, personal friend of General S. S. Savich), who enjoyed your exclusive trust ... I am completely At least I join what General Danilov reported to Your Majesty ...
There was a deathly silence ... The sovereign went up to the table and several times, apparently without realizing it, looked out the carriage window, covered with a curtain. - His face, usually inactive, involuntarily twisted with some kind of sideways movement of the lips that I had never observed before. - It was evident that in his soul some kind of decision was ripening, which was dear to him! ...
The silence that followed was unbroken. - Doors and windows were tightly closed. - It would be better ... this terrible silence would soon end! ... With a sharp movement, Emperor Nicholas suddenly turned to us and said in a firm voice:
I made up my mind... I decided to renounce the Throne in favor of my son Alexei... At the same time, he crossed himself with a wide cross. We crossed ourselves...
Thank you all for your valiant and faithful service. - I hope that it will continue with my son.
The moment was deeply solemn. Embracing General Ruza and warmly shaking hands with us, the Emperor walked into his car with slow, lingering steps.
We, who were present at this whole scene, involuntarily bowed before the restraint that was shown by the newly abdicated Emperor Nicholas in these difficult and responsible moments ...
As is often the case after a long strain, my nerves immediately gave way ... I remember, as if in a fog, that, after the departure of the Sovereign, someone came in to us and started talking about something. Apparently, these were the faces closest to the Tsar ... Everyone was ready to talk about anything, but not about what was the most important and most important at the moment ... However, the decrepit Count Frederiks, it seems, was trying to formulate his personal feelings!.. Someone else spoke... and someone else... they were almost not listened to...
Suddenly the Emperor himself entered. - He held in his hands two telegraph forms, which he handed over to General Ruzsky, with a request to send them. These leaflets were handed over to me by the Commander-in-Chief for execution.
- "There is no sacrifice that I would not make in the name of a real good and for the salvation of my dear mother Russia. - Therefore, I am ready to abdicate the Throne in favor of My Son, so that he remains with me until adulthood, under the regency of my brother - Mikhail Alexandrovich. With these words, addressed to the President of the State. Duma, Emperor Nicholas II expressed his decision. - "In the name of the good, tranquility and salvation of my beloved Russia, I am ready to abdicate the Throne in favor of my Son. - I ask everyone to serve him faithfully and without hypocrisy," he informed his Chief of Staff about the same by telegram to Headquarters. What beautiful impulses, I thought, are embedded in the soul of this man, whose whole grief and misfortune is that he was badly surrounded!
FROM THE DIARY OF EMPEROR NICHOLAS II
"March 2nd. Thursday. Ruzsky came in the morning and read out his lengthy telephone conversation with Rodzianko. According to him, the situation in Petrograd is such that now the ministry from the Duma seems to be powerless to do anything, since the Social-Democrats are fighting against it. party represented by the working committee. I need my renunciation. Ruzsky conveyed this conversation to Headquarters, and Alekseev to all the commanders-in-chief. By 2 1/2 [h] the responses came from everyone. The bottom line is that in the name of saving Russia and keeping the army at the front in peace, you need to decide on this step. I agreed. A draft manifesto was sent from Headquarters. In the evening, Guchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, with whom I had a talk and gave them a signed and revised manifesto. At one o'clock in the morning I left Pskov with a heavy feeling of what I had experienced. Around treason and cowardice, and deception "
REJECTION MANIFESTO
Chief of Staff
In the days of the great struggle with the external enemy, who had been striving to enslave our Motherland for almost three years, the Lord God was pleased to send Russia a new ordeal. The outbreak of internal popular unrest threatens to have a disastrous effect on the further conduct of the stubborn war. The fate of Russia, the honor of our heroic army, the good of the people, the whole future of our dear Fatherland demand that the war be brought to a victorious end at all costs. The cruel enemy strains last strength, and the hour is near when our valiant army, together with our glorious allies, will be able to finally break the enemy. In these decisive days in the life of Russia, we considered it a duty of conscience to facilitate for our people the close unity and rallying of all the forces of the people for the speedy achievement of victory and in agreement with State Duma we recognized it as a blessing to abdicate the throne of the Russian state and lay down the supreme power. Not wanting to part with our beloved son, we pass on our heritage to our brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich and bless him to ascend the throne of the Russian state. We command our brother to govern the affairs of state in full and inviolable unity with the representatives of the people in legislative institutions on those principles that will be established by them, taking an inviolable oath to that. In the name of our dearly beloved Motherland, we call on all the faithful sons of the Fatherland to fulfill their sacred duty to him by obedience to the tsar in a difficult moment of national trials and to help him, together with representatives of the people, lead the Russian state onto the path of victory, prosperity and glory.
May the Lord God help Russia.
Signed: Nicholas
Minister of the Imperial Court, Adjutant General Count Fredericks.
FROM THE MEMORIES OF GRAND DUKE ALEXANDER MIKHAILOVICH
“My adjutant woke me up at dawn. He handed me a printed sheet. It was the Sovereign's manifesto about renunciation. Nikki refused to part with Alexei and renounced in favor of Mikhail Alexandrovich. I sat in bed and reread this document. Nikki must have lost his mind. Since when can the Autocrat of All Russia renounce the power given to him by God because of a rebellion in the capital, caused by a lack of bread? Treason of the Petrograd garrison? But after all, he had at his disposal an army of fifteen million. - All this, including his trip to Petrograd, then in 1917 seemed absolutely incredible. And it continues to seem incredible to me to this day.
I had to get dressed in order to go to Maria Feodorovna and break her heart with the news of my son's abdication. We booked a train to Headquarters, as in the meantime we had received word that Nikki had been given "permission" to return to Headquarters to say goodbye to his staff.
Upon arrival in Mogilev, our train was put on the "imperial route", from where the Sovereign usually went to the capital. A minute later, Nikki's car pulled up to the station. He walked slowly to the platform, greeted the two Cossacks of the convoy who were standing at the entrance to his mother's carriage, and entered. He was pale, but nothing else in his appearance indicated that he was the author of this terrible manifesto. The sovereign was left alone with his mother for two hours. The Empress Dowager never told me afterwards what they were talking about.
When I was called to them, Maria Fedorovna sat and wept bitterly, but he stood motionless, looking at his feet and, of course, smoking. We hugged. I didn't know what to say to him. His calmness testified that he firmly believed in the correctness of his decision, although he reproached his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich for leaving Russia without an Emperor by his abdication.
Misha, you shouldn't have done this, - he finished instructively. “I wonder who gave him such strange advice.”
