«WORLD CRISIS 1911 - 1918. Winston S. Churchill. Book I and II Abridged and revised edition With an additional chapter on ... "
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WORLD CRISIS
Winston S. Churchill.
Book I and II
Abridged and revised edition
With an additional chapter on the Battle of the Marne.
http://on-island.net/History/Churchill/WorldCrisis/
Book 1. "1911 - 1914".
Translated by Crusoe (crusoe.livejournal.com), 2005 – 2007, p.
"The World Crisis, 1911-1918" (Paperback) by Winston Churchill(Author), Martin Gilbert
(Introduction). Free Press, Published by Simon & Shuster New York ISBN-13: 978-0-7432-8343-4 ISBN-10: 0-7432-8343-0 Noon. Summer retreat.
Drama, be quiet. The stream gurgles.
The roar of hell broke into a dream. The drum beats in the distance.
He is everywhere, the sound is ominous Between the sun and the grass Our brothers for food Marching to the slaughter.
"Shropshire Boy", XXXV.* (Wherever otherwise noted, translated by Crusoe).
Book. I to my wife.
Preface.
Chapter 1
Chapter 2. On the way to Armageddon.
Chapter 3. Agadir.
Chapter 4. In the Admiralty.
Chapter 5. Front of the North Sea.
Chapter 6. Ireland and the European balance.
Chapter 7. Crisis.
Chapter 8. Mobilization of the fleet.
Chapter 9. War: the crossing of the army.
Chapter 10. Invasion of France.
Chapter 11
Chapter 12
Chapter 13. Antwerp and the Channel Ports.
Chapter 14 Lord Fisher
Chapter 15. Coronel and the Falklands.
Chapter 16. The Bombardment of Scarborough and Hartlepool.
Chapter 17. Türkiye and the Balkans.
Preface.
In the ten post-war years I wrote four volumes, now they have been reduced to one book.
I have long wanted to combine the material into a coherent whole and give the work a form accessible to the general reader.
The books of the previous edition were published at intervals of two years:
hence the inevitable repetitions and disproportions. Moreover: a lot of printed works have already appeared in the world, and today's reader knows much more. In the new edition, all material has been revised, and the long narrative has been condensed. I did not see the need for a significant change in the factual basis, the principles of presentation and conclusions remained the same as they were. The main documents are reprinted intact. At the same time, a lot of technical details and some justifications for my own activities, which have lost their meaning in the ten post-war years, have been removed.
I have given priority to the main theme of the narrative and pushed aside the private issues related to my work.
However, and wherever possible, new information has been used. The episode with the resignation of Lord Fisher has been slightly changed. Now I see the matter differently, the revelations in Asquith's memoirs and the biographers of Fisher himself cast a much less merciful light on the behavior of the old admiral. I studied the latest and reliable materials and significantly supplemented the story of the great battles in France. But the essence of my views has not changed, and I remain at the same criticism of wartime mistakes in naval, military and political affairs.
The new edition is sustained in a single style: the author, to the best of his ability, follows the methods of Defoe and uses the composition of the "Notes of a Cavalier". Historical episodes are strung on a strong thread of impartial memories. The work does not claim to be a comprehensive coverage of events, but will help to find key problems and critical solutions in an incredible mass of materials about the war. I set out and tried - diligently and honestly - to reveal to the reader the course and background of military affairs. It so happened that most of the ten or even twelve years of my life during the Great War was spent working in the most important posts: First Lord of the Admiralty, Minister of War Supplies. I found myself in a stream of grandiose events and I know their background thoroughly.
The reader will find facts, figures and conclusions in the book: I vouch for their authenticity.
Individual volumes have been translated into seven or even more languages and have become the subject of criticism and discussion in thousands of articles. But I do not want alterations - insignificant questions on the merits of general conclusions do not give rise to this, before you is a completed work and I am sure that the historians of the future will not shake it in its essential foundations.
Winston S. Churchill, Chartwell, Kent.
Chapter 1 1870-1904.
In the blessed days of Queen Victoria, few could imagine the future with its cruelest trials and great victories. Citizens habitually talked about the glory of the British Empire, praised Providence for its care, for its calm contentment, for its safe deliverance from the many dangers of the long journey.
The history of the war effort of the British people, as told to schoolchildren, ended with the fall of Napoleon; it seemed that nothing on sea and land could surpass the greatness of Waterloo and Trafalgar. Unprecedented, unprecedented victories seemed to be a destiny, a fitting end to the long vale of the island people, the outcome of millennia of daring, the completion of the path from smallness and weakness to world supremacy.
Three times in three centuries, Britain saved Europe from military enslavement. Three countries
The Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg fell into the clutches of military rapists three times:
Spain, French Monarchy, French Empire. And three times, Britain, by arms and politics, in alliances and alone, overturned the aggressor. Each time the struggle began with the complete superiority of the enemy, each fight dragged on for many years, England risked everything and always won; the last victory was also the greatest: we found it among the grandiose ruins, in the battle with the enemy of the most terrible power.
It was with these words that the teacher ended the lesson; as a rule, the textbook also ended there. History shows how countries and empires rose to the zenith of power, shone, reborn, collapsed. Since the time of Queen Elizabeth, England has thrice and successfully overcome the same path, passed through the same sequence of grand events: is a fourth repetition conceivable? Can things be imagined on a much larger scale? But it happened and we, living today, are witnesses to this.
The incredible power of the opposing sides and the monstrous means of destruction distinguish the Great War from the battles of antiquity; extreme ruthlessness - from the wars of modernity. Military nightmares of all times appeared at once, at the same time the civilian population, along with the soldiers, found themselves in their midst.
The great powers rejected enlightenment in the face of a threat to the very existence of the state. Germany embarked on the path of terror, opened the gates of hell, and the victims of violence followed her, step by step, in a desperate and understandable desire for revenge. Each case of desecration of humanity, any deviation from the norms of international law prompted retaliatory, new reprisals, the violator was rewarded for a long time and a hundredfold. The struggle went on continuously, without truces and negotiations. Wounded soldiers were dying in no man's land among rotting dead bodies. Merchant and neutral ships, floating hospitals went to the seabed; those who drowned were left to their own fate, those who stayed above the surface of the waters were shot. The bill went not to individual people, but to entire nations, and they were starved: earnestly, chokh, without distinction of sex and age, in the hope of bringing them to obedience. Artillery crushed cities and monuments. The bombs fell without making out the targets.
Poisonous gases of many varieties choked and burned the soldiers, for the cremation of living people they invented a special, liquid fire. On fire, human remains fell from the sky, sailors slowly died of suffocation in the darkness of the deep sea. Military efforts were hampered only by the impoverishment of the human population. Not armies, but peoples suffered in the years of struggle and fled from a single, huge battlefield; all of Europe, most of Asia and Africa turned into a continuous military arena. By the end of the battle, only two prohibitions remained for the most Christian, enlightened and learned states - torture and cannibalism: there was no practical use in them. But the courageous hearts of people endured everything: we, the heirs of the Stone Age, the descendants of the conquerors of nature with its creatures and cataclysms, accepted a terrible, fratricidal torment with unexpected fortitude.
Reason freed the soul from medieval timidity and man went to death in natural dignity. The nervous organization of the people of the twentieth century endured moral and physical hardships beyond the strength of our primitive predecessors. The man remained unshakable in a continuous series of trials, he went to the hell of bombardments, returned from the hospital to the front, went out against flocks of hungry submarines and did not lose himself, but carried through the torment the light of a sound and merciful mind.
At the beginning of the twentieth century, no one noticed the speed of civilization development. The nations knew their true strength only in the convulsions of battle. And after the first year of the war, hardly anyone understood what resources - military, material, spiritual, monstrous, almost inexhaustible - are behind each of the opponents. The cup of anger overflowed, the accumulated power gushed over the edge of the rich bins. Civilized communities have been juiced up since the time Napoleonic Wars and have hardly competed since 1870. In places and at times there were military episodes. Over the surface, continuously and calmly lifted by the tide, excitement ran and subsided. The terrible sound of the trumpets of Armageddon caught humanity in hitherto unknown powers, in a state unimaginable even for the most optimistic mind of the past, in fearlessness, endurance, the ability to think, engage in science and machinery, in the ability to organize affairs.
The Victorian era passed in the accumulation of public funds, but not only piles of material values grew: the whole world developed and multiplied the elements and factors of state power. Education spread among the masses of millions of people. Science unlocked the inexhaustible storerooms of nature. Doors opened for us, one after another. Mankind brought light into the dark and mysterious passages before, developed and opened for general use adit after adit, drift after drift, and in each gallery there were passages in two new ones, or even more. Every morning the world learned about the launch of new machines. Evening came, time for rest and supper, but the machines continued to work. We slept, and the wheels continued to spin.
The public mind did not lag behind. Disraeli spoke of the early nineteenth century: “In those days, England was home to a few—very few.” Each year of Victoria's reign destroyed and moved the frontiers. Every year, new thousands of private people thought about their country, about its history, obligations to other powers, to the world, to the future, and realized the enormous measure of personal responsibility for the inheritance received by birthright. Every year the broad community of skilled workers received a fair amount of new material allowances. To some extent, progress has also eased the difficult lot of the masses. The health and constitution of the population of workers improved, the life of the craftsman and his children became brighter, guarantees were multiplied in case of some, the most severe blows of fate, the proletarian grew noticeably in number.
The trumpets of war roared, and every class, every rank and rank found something for the fatherland. Some gave their minds to the needs of the country, others - wealth, someone invested in the business the energy and passion of entrepreneurship, others - remarkable personal courage, stubbornness of strength, patience of weakness. But no one gave more and more willingly than simple people- women and men, without any savings, with the only source of subsistence - an irregular monthly salary, with property from meager household utensils and wearable clothes. They vividly distinguished between good and evil, remained faithful to the usual banners, loved and were proud of their fatherland. It was they who averted trouble from us in long trials: the world has not seen such people.
But evolution did not stop at some state border. In all sovereign countries, small and great, nationalism and patriotism rose steadily; in all states, free and not free, there were legal organizations and institutions - associations of citizens, they nurtured popular feeling and gave it an armed direction. Not the vices, but rather the virtues of the national spirit received an incorrect or harmful development from the rulers and led them to death, and the world to catastrophe.
How great is their sin, what, in fact, are the leaders of Germany, Austria, Italy, France, Russia, Britain guilty of? Can we assume in these high-ranking and responsible people malicious intentions and the will to perform a dirty deed? If the study of the causes of the Great War causes any emotions, it is, first of all, the feeling of a person's nasty control over the course of affairs of world importance. Well said - “people are more than prone to making mistakes in their plans.” Let us not hasten to accuse the vanquished of all sins, as well as to fully justify the victors, but let us imagine the most competent person: his mind is not unlimited, we dispute his authority, he acts among public opinion and can work on difficult task only at times and in part; let's put a competent erudite before the most difficult task, before a problem, much higher than his capabilities, huge, changeable in time, with an incalculable number of details - let's imagine all this and think about it.
Moreover - one event entailed another and no one could break their chain. Germany dragged everyone behind her, into the mouth of the volcano, rattling their weapons, stubbornly, recklessly and rudely. This is true, but the indispensable and furious indignation of Russia and France moved Germany and moved her. What could Britain do? It is possible that some concessions in material interests, some binding steps - friendly and at the same time inexorable - could reconcile France with Germany in time and give the world a great alliance: the only way to preserve the peace and prosperity of Europe. I cannot say this, but I know only one thing: we, with all possible efforts, led the country in the gathering twilight of the armed world, tried to get away from the war ourselves and take others away, but when it happened, we went through the storm and saved Britain.
The enmity between France and Germany began a long time ago, there is no need to list ancient incidents, write the history of centuries of conflicts, as well as evaluate the correctness or provocativeness of the actions of one side or another.
Let's open the history of Europe from a new chapter:
January 18, 1871, Palace of Versailles, German triumph, proclamation of a unified German empire. The words are heard: “Europe has lost its mistress and found a master.” A young, mighty state entered the world, based on an abundant population, armed with science and knowledge, organized for wars and crowned with victory. Exhausted, battered, dismembered, lonely France, doomed to a decisive and aggravated demographic decline, lost Alsace, Lorraine and receded into the background, into isolation, with shame and mourning for the lost glory.
But the leaders of the German Empire had no illusions and saw in the defeated antagonist a formidable disposition and adamant determination. “What we got with weapons in half a year,” Moltke says, “will have to be defended with weapons for half a century, so as not to be lost again.” Bismarck, with his prudence, wished to confine himself to Alsace, but the military forced him to take twice, and the German chancellor was alarmed: from that time until the end of his political career, the prediction of a gloomy future would not leave him.
In 1875, Germany set out to crush a resurgent France once again.
This time, the mood of the world community and the determined opposition of Britain reined in Bismarck and the Chancellor, with his characteristic energy and talent, set about defending German domination and imperial conquests by the system international unions. He knew that the price of peace with France was too high for Germany. He understood that his offspring, the new empire, would not go away from the inescapable hatred of the formidable people. He saw an indisputable imperative and, with necessity, deduced consequences from it. Germany could not afford more enemies. In 1879, the chancellor made an alliance with Austria. Four years later, the partnership expanded to the Triple Alliance: Germany, Austria, Italy. The secret treaty of 1873 brought Romania into the alliance. But one insurance was absolutely not enough: it was required and a reinsurance agreement appeared. The triple alliance did not help the chancellor in his main fear: a possible coalition of France and Russia. He understood that an unbalanced unification with Austria carries the natural prerequisites for a Franco-Russian rapprochement. Is it not worth working on the union of the three emperors - German, Austrian and Russian? This will bring stunning benefits and lasting security. Six years have passed; in 1887, the interests of Russia and Austria clashed in the Balkans, the conflict destroyed Bismarck's main, irreproachable scheme, and the chancellor - for lack of a better one - turned to a reinsurance treaty with Russia. The treaty protected Germany from aggression by the united Russia and France. The other side, Russia, established itself in the Balkans: the Austro-German alliance undertook not to interfere with Russian interests in the peninsula.
The Chancellor took prudent measures and embarked on skillful enterprises in order to give Germany peace and contentment with the fruits of victory. Bismarck's system assumed an indispensable and lasting friendship with Great Britain. This was dictated by necessity: everyone knew that Italy would never wish to enter into any business fraught with war with England; today we know that Rome insisted and expressed its will in a special article of the original, secret text of the Treaty of the Triple Alliance. At first, Britain favored the alliance of the three quite favorably. France healed its wounds in isolation, Germany established itself as a continental hegemon and enjoyed all the benefits of rapid industrial development: thus passed the end of the nineteenth century. German policy encouraged France to seek solace in the colonization of new lands: Bismarck led France away from Europe and, along the way, promoted Franco-British friction and rivalry convenient for Germany.
In Europe it became gloomy, but quiet, Germany flourished in power and splendor - this went on for twenty years, until 1890 - the year of the fall of Bismarck.
The Iron Chancellor retired from long labors, and the new authorities rushed to destroy his perfect political structure. Poor Turkish governance has brought the Balkans and the Middle East to a dangerous flashpoint. The tide of pan-Slavism and a strong anti-German social current in Russia were gathering momentum and eroding the basis of the reinsurance pact. The growth of the German appetite accompanied the prosperity of the country.
Europe was no longer enough, the empire turned its gaze to the colonies. Germany excelled everyone in the army and thought about the navy. The young emperor, free from Bismarck's tutelage, found courteous assistants in the chancellor's successor - Caprivi - and in the new government officials of a lower rank; began a joyful liberation from the burden of guarantees and precautions: the pillars of German security. In view of France, a constant and open enemy, the emperor abandoned the reinsurance treaty with Russia and, after a while, began to compete with Britain on the seas. Two fatal decisions marked the beginning of slow processes; years have passed, the time has come and the world has seen the result.
In 1892, things went against the whole policy of Bismarck. Russia and France signed a military convention. The union did not have an immediate effect, but, in fact, changed Europe. From that time on, Germany's undisputed - and prudent - dominance of the Continent was replaced by a balance of power. In Europe there were two powerful combinations, two pools of immense military resources; they were side by side, slowly turning against each other.
The regrouping of the great powers caused Germany considerable inconvenience, without in the least threatening war. The mood of France did not change, the country could not help dreaming of the return of the taken provinces, but the French people are fundamentally peaceful, all social strata remembered the terrible consequences of the war and the terrible power of Germany.
Moreover, France did not rely on Russia in the circumstances of the unilateral conflict with Germany. The treaty was signed, but only takes effect in the event of German aggression. What does "aggression" mean? Thoroughly armed parties agree in a dispute: at what exact moment does this or that disputant become the aggressor? Russia, by any account, remains a wide field for action at its own discretion, it will judge the case and take into account all the circumstances, but the reasoning will go to the possible accompaniment of statements about a foreign war for the country and millions of Russian lives. The word of the king, of course, is firm. But the attempt to throw a nation into a valiant and unpopular battle sometimes ruins even kings. Policy great country with excessive dependence on the mood of a single person, it can change with the elimination of the latter.
So, German pressure gave many pretexts for the outbreak of war, but France was not completely sure of the indispensable action of Russia.
This is how the balance of power looked like, which replaced the undoubted dominance of Germany. Britain remained outside of both systems, we were protected by overwhelming and for the time being undeniable superiority on the seas. It is clear that the position of Great Britain was of particular importance: our transition to one camp or another provided Britain's allies with a decisive advantage. But Lord Salisbury showed no desire to take advantage of the favorable situation. He continued to follow tradition: friendly relations with Germany and an unflappable detachment from the complicated affairs of the Continent.
Germany easily moved away from Russia, but alienation in relations with England took root, although it did not take root all of a sudden. It was necessary to gradually break and destroy many ties and foundations. Great Britain and the leading country of the Triple Alliance were firmly connected by many things: the kinship of the reigning families, the naturalness of commercial relations, the ancient Anglo-French antagonism, the memory of Blenheim, Minden and Waterloo, long disputes with France about Egypt and the colonies, Russian-British distrust in Asian affairs. British policy did not hinder Germany in new, colonial aspirations: more than once, as, for example, in the case of Samoa, we actively helped the Germans. Salisbury abandoned all considerations of strategy and traded Helgoland for Zanzibar. German diplomacy was not distinguished by courtesy even under Bismarck. The Germans constantly sought our help in reminding them that Britain had no other friends. They tried to get us into petty trouble with France and Russia. Every year the Wilhelmstrasse inquisitively searched St. James's Court for new services and concessions - an annual advance in payment for good diplomatic will. Every year the Germans played dirty tricks on us in dealings with France and Russia under the moralizing of happiness for Britain - a country deeply unpopular and surrounded by powerful enemies - to have a friend in the person of Germany. Who in Europe would reckon with England if German help and influence disappeared or went over to the other side? In twenty years of such manifestations in the Foreign Office, a whole generation of British diplomats managed to grow up and imbued with a persistent anti-German spirit.
Diplomats groaned, but England followed the traditional political course. The Empire gazed nonchalantly at Germany's colonial expansion. The growing degree of commercial rivalry was no match for the growth and importance of mutual commerce. We have found in each other the best trading clients in all of Europe.
In 1896, after the Jameson Raid, the Emperor of Germany congratulated President Kruger with a famous telegram: today we know that the message was not a personal initiative of the Kaiser, but a state decision. Britain responded with only a brief angry outburst. Let us turn to the time of the Boer War: fits of German anger and attempts to put together an anti-British coalition from the states of Europe did not turn Chamberlain away from the idea of an alliance with the Kaiser; in the same year, 1901, the Foreign Office proposed to include a third country, Germany, in the alliance between Japan and Britain. In those days, the Franco-British differences were almost more serious than the British-German ones, and neither side seriously encroached on our naval superiority.
We equally defended the Triple Alliance, the Franco-Russian convention and had no desire to get involved in a continental squabble. The efforts of France to return the lost provinces did not find a response in any political party, the English society remained indifferent to them. The idea of the British army fighting on the Continent against the mighty European enemies was perceived by all as the height of stupidity. Only a threat to the main vital nerve of the British Empire could interrupt our serene and tolerant indifference in continental affairs. And the threat followed.
“Among the great powers, only England certainly needs a strong ally on the Continent and she will not find a better one than a united Germany; no one but us meets the totality of British interests: we have never claimed power over the seas, ”Moltke bequeathed.
From 1873 to 1900, the German fleet had no intention of entering the force necessary for the “war with the great maritime powers”. But 1900 was a turning point: Germany adopted the Maritime Law.
The preamble of the document was as follows: “Under the current conditions, in order to protect German trade and commerce, we lack only one thing: liner fleet, sufficient for even the strongest of possible enemies to see in naval war with us a possible threat to their own superiority on the seas.” The decision of the leading country in land armaments of the Continent to launch a second - at least - strongest fleet was an event of the first magnitude in international relations. The successful fulfillment of the German intentions was undoubtedly returning us British islanders to the past: to similar and terrible historical circumstances for England.
Until now, British naval preparations have proceeded from the two-power standard, namely that the British fleet must convincingly outnumber the combined naval forces of the two next strongest maritime powers, in those days, France and Russia. The possibility of a third European fleet appearing on the seas, stronger than either of the two mentioned, changed the life of Britain in the most serious way. Germany set out to build a fleet. The Germans, without hesitation, gathered to measure their strength with us on the seas, and we could no longer remain in “brilliant isolation” from the European system.
I had to look for reliable friends. One was found at the opposite end of the world - an island empire, like us; in the same danger as England. The union between Great Britain and Japan was formalized in 1901. We could no longer afford dangerous, conflict-prone disagreements with France and Russia. In 1902, the government of Balfour and Lansdowne firmly set out to settle disputes with France. But first we gave Germany an open hand for a friendly shake.
The Germans were invited to an alliance with Japan. The Kaiser was offered assistance in resolving the Moroccan question. Both proposals were rejected.
In 1903, the war between Russia and Japan began. Germany leaned towards Russia; Britain remained under the obligations under the treaty with Japan, while maintaining, at the same time, a good relationship with France. Europe was waiting for the outcome of the war in the Far East. The result startled all observers except for one. Japan defeated the enemy at sea and on land, Russian state shook in internal convulsions and the situation in Europe has undergone significant changes. Germany turned her influence against Japan, but was greatly strengthened by the Russian collapse and regained her dominance on the Continent. Immediate, presumptuous and widespread demonstrations of German strength followed. The position of France was shaken again, the country was isolated, faced with a real threat and, in growing anxiety, was looking for an alliance with England.
The perspicacious statesmen of Britain recognized in advance the true military power of Japan, the alliance gave us the benefits of unprecedented strength and security. Our new friend, Japan, triumphed; an ancient enemy, France, sought friendship in London; the German fleet remained on the stocks and all British battleships could safely go home from the Chinese seas.
We settled the remaining friction with France and, in 1904, signed the Anglo-French Agreement. The document contains many different articles, but the gist is this:
France ceases to oppose Britain in Egypt, we provide France with extensive support in terms of Morocco.
The Conservative Party applauded the treaty:
the idea of a German threat had taken root among its members. The union was also welcomed by the liberals, somewhat short-sightedly, as a step towards world peace, as the elimination of misunderstandings and disagreements between Britain and our traditional enemy. So, the union was approved by everyone.
Contrary to the general opinion, only one wise observer spoke out. “I am convinced, unquestioningly and mournfully,” declared Lord Roseberry, “that the treaty will be fraught with difficulties, but unlikely to lead to peace.” Both parties in Britain, from very different positions, but in equal indignation, rejected the unsolicited comment and poured buckets of censure on the author.
So, England came out of isolation, reappeared in Europe and took the side of Germany's opponents with all the ensuing consequences. For the first time since 1870, Germany had to reckon with a country that came from outside, a power in no way vulnerable, with the impossibility, if necessary, to defeat her in a one-on-one fight.
The Kaiser's gestures might have led to the resignation of Delcasse in 1905, the appearance of Germany "in shining armor" to pacify Russia in 1908, but the self-powered island, master of the seas, girded with a fleet, was not inclined to please.
Before the advent of Britain, the Triple Alliance was generally stronger than France and Russia.
A war with two countries would be a terrible test for Germany, Austria and Italy, but there was no doubt about the outcome. The weight of England fell on the scales, Italy stepped off the opposite end of the lever, and Germany, for the first time since 1870, could no longer consider her side to be the strongest.
Will she subdue? Will the young, growing, ambitious empire be able to humble its claims, will it agree to live in a new Europe, where the will of the Kaiser is not the law in the last instance, about which Germany will be notified if necessary:
of course, politely; perhaps subtly, but in any case, very convincing.
Everything will be all right if Germany and her ruler can accustom themselves to the restraint customary for France, Russia, England and live according to the general law in a free and comfortable neighborhood. But can they? Do we tolerate for Germany an alliance of powers, countries under sovereign banners, a coalition outside of German influence; will she put up with a force that is deaf to claims, but responsive only to well-deserved requests; with an alliance capable of repelling aggression without fear? The history of the next decade provided the answer.
The great powers slowly turned around and gradually armed themselves against each other in growing antagonism, while nearby, in the weakest of empires, processes of degeneration were going on, equally dangerous for the general calm. Germany relied on the abuses of the Porte, but forces awakened in Turkey, threatening the death of the old order. The Christian states of the Balkans grew stronger from year to year and waited for an opportunity to free their co-religionists from the burden of bad Turkish rule. The growth of the national spirit in all regions of Austria-Hungary strained and stretched the bonds of the awkwardly stitched, disintegrating empire to the limit. The countries of the Balkans saw their way in the salvation of their fellow tribesmen, in the return of territories, in unification. Italy followed avidly the disintegration of Turkey and the anxieties of Austria. Russia and Germany looked to the south and east in deep agitation: there, in the Balkans, the beginning of inevitable events with far-reaching consequences was ripening.
The rulers of Germany persisted in many extremely unwise actions:
the result was a war in bad conditions for the country.
The will of the Kaiser ordered to keep France in constant tension. Russia - not only the court, but the entire Russian people, in the hour of its weakness, had to be stung with poisonous insults. The quiet, deep and restrained hostility of the British Empire had to be fueled by constant and repeated attempts at sea domination - the basis of our existence. Thus, and only thus, could the conditions for the outbreak of war be formed, Germany turned its aggression against the work of its own hands, it brought to life a combination of forces capable of resisting German power and, ultimately, destroying it.
The cup of wrath was poured out on the world at the end of a long journey. We wandered along it for ten anxious years.
In the writings of transient topicality, the ten-year period of pre-war activity of the British government is interpreted in two ways: we did not smell trouble at all, or, conversely:
carefully concealed secret knowledge and prophetic foresight from a careless nation. In fact and separately, both opinions are wrong; the truth lies in their connection.
The governments and parliaments of that time did not believe in the approach of a great war and firmly intended to prevent such a development of events, but gloomy assumptions constantly dominated the minds of ministers and, from time to time, reminded of themselves with disturbing events and trends.
Ten years passed in mental discord, duality became the leitmotif of British politics, the statesmen responsible for the security of the country lived simultaneously in two worlds. One was real, visible, cosmopolitan, bustling about in quiet pursuits; the other is imaginary, “beyond the threshold”; he could go into the realm of the most perfect fantasy and, in a moment, almost burst into us from beyond - another world, a bottomless vent of catastrophe, with terrible shadows circling in a convulsive dance.
Chapter 2. On the way to Armageddon. 1905-1910
Let the inquisitive reader, who wants to delve into the essence of history and the author's intention, follow me, without missing a single one of important events in many places. We will see a picture of the pre-war land and sea confrontation, but this is not enough: we need to know the sequence of antecedent causes. We need to get acquainted with admirals and generals, study the organization of armies and fleets, understand the basics of strategy on land and sea; we will not get away from the details of shipbuilding and artillery, we will see the system of pre-war alliances, we will follow the slow growth of interstate tensions, we will take a closer look and discern modest threads in global affairs, but inseparable from our history: the struggle of parties, the movement of people in the currents of political forces.
The previous chapter dealt with great powers and empires, world balance, and extensive state combinations. The needs of the narrative require for the time being to confine ourselves to our islands and to take up British politics, its personalities and groupings, both momentary and non-brief.
In 1885, as a young officer, I was honored to dine with Sir William Hartcourt. In the course of the conversation (alas, but I'm afraid that I took too active part in it) I asked the question: “And what will happen then?” “My dear Winston,” answered the venerable Victorian statesman, “the experience of many years convinces me that absolutely nothing will happen.” It seems to me that since our dinner, nothing has failed to happen. Great international tensions were exacerbated at the same time as inter-party strife in Britain. Scale gave shape to events, and today the Victorian era seems to be just a chain of small incidents. Small wars of great nations, serious disputes about trifles, moderate, prudent, cautious actions of people of a sharp and strong mind - all this remained in the past time. Ripples on the surface of flowing water, toy whirlpools: we were carried by smooth streams, but the flood fell, the river turned into a seething rapid at once, and we endure in it today.
I begin the countdown to new, brutal times in 1896 - the Jameson Raid, the harbinger, if not the very cause of the war in South Africa. The war spawned hack elections, a protectionist movement, the importation of Chinese workers, a public outcry, and the triumph of the Liberal Party in 1906.
The victory of the Liberals prompted the House of Lords to furious attacks. By the end of 1908, the popular party with a heavy majority of parliamentary seats was in fact helpless: the Liberals were saved by Lloyd George's budget (1909). The discussion of the financial estimate resulted in an even greater provocation for both sides: the upper house trampled on the constitution and rejected the budget, erroneously and rudely. General elections followed - two votes in 1910, an Act of Parliament, the fight for Ireland, the country was on the verge of civil war. And so, twenty years of uninterrupted party actions of growing harmfulness, inflaming fury, with growing risks: things have gone to the extreme; it seemed that only military force will be able to cool hot heads and calm the widespread passions.
In 1902 Lord Salisbury retired.
He was prime minister and minister of foreign affairs from 1885, with a brief - as time goes on - hiatus. During his seventeen years as Premier, the Liberal Party had no practical access to government, only a brief stint in government with a forty Irish Nationalist majority. For thirteen years, the Conservatives enjoyed a monolithic parliamentary majority of 100-150 votes, with additional support from the House of Lords. The long reign has come to an end.
A desire for change, a sense of inevitable reform, was in the air. The era is over.
Balfour came for Salisbury. The new head of the Cabinet did not have a single chance. He inherited a depleted domain.
The wisest course of action for him would be to resign:
decent, quiet and, most importantly, the fastest. He could quite rightly say: the elections of 1900 were held under the sign and during the war; victory has been won, peace has come, mandates are void and, before starting work, the prime minister needs to understand the mood of the voters. There is no doubt that the Liberals would have taken power, but without a large parliamentary majority, they would have been opposed by a strong and cohesive conservative minority, and the opposition could have returned to power in four or five years, around 1907. But Balfour became Prime Minister with the ardent approval of prominent members of the Conservative Party, the mood in the constituencies did not decide anything: Parliament was elected only two years ago and had to work for another four or five years. New head The Cabinet took up its duties in imperturbable indifference to the general alienation of public opinion, in the midst of the consolidation of all forces hostile to it.
Mr. Chamberlain, almost all-powerful assistant to Balfour, had no illusions. The growing force, which was opposed to the ruling combination, did not escape his sharp political instinct. But the ardent nature led Chamberlain away from wisdom and moderation, and he began to correct the matter in a hopeless way. The government was lauded as reactionary. Moderate Tories and Young Conservatives harped on agreement and appealed to the Liberals. The opposition went to power under a flurry of noisy protests. Chamberlain intended to teach his opponents, as well as his friends among the weak and vacillating, a lesson in dealing harshly with the rebellion and gaining popular popularity through extreme reaction. He raised the flag of protectionism.
Times, hardships, the freshly passed education act rallied the liberals;
the Conservatives were split by protectionism, or, in other words, tariff reform. It came to the resignation of six ministers, fifty Conservatives and Unionists unequivocally refused to support the government. We see among the splitters and young members of the party: the conservatives have lost their unspent and active energy, which is so necessary for work in the opposition. The Unionist free-trader movement was actively promoted by the pillars of the Unionist party, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach and the Duke of Devonshire; Salisbury himself supported them: Lord Robert was retired and acted around.
The Conservative Party has not suffered such damage since the breakaway of the Peelites.
Balfour refused to begin his term by an act of abdication; now he held power in his hands and was not at all inclined to loosen his grip. Moreover, he saw in the party split the worst thing for the country, and in the responsibility for the schism - the gravest sin. The Prime Minister acted with amazing patience and composure, guarded a semblance of unity, subdued passions and, in the hope of reassurance, persisted to the last. He, very skillfully and very subtly, developed formulation after formulation: the antagonists were asked to find a convenient self-deception in the logic of formulas and convince themselves of the existence of agreement. It came to ministerial resignations, and Balfour bled protectionists and free traders in carefully measured and equal shares. Like Henry VIII, he, on the same day, cut off the heads of papists and burned ardent Protestants - both equally deviated from his middle position, from the compromise artificially supported by the prime minister.
The situation remained bad, but Balfour held out for two whole years. Calls for a general election proved futile. Society mocked the government to no avail, friends asked in vain to change their minds, and the enemies' attempts to speed up the denouement failed. The indefatigable and imperturbable head of the Cabinet remained steadfast and remained prime minister. Balfour's clear and objective mind focused on the main thing and rejected the murmuring as an insignificant thing. I talked about the critical days of the Russo-Japanese War: Britain rigorously supported the ally, and this is the direct merit of the head of the Cabinet.
At the same time, he resisted the temptation - the Russian fleet sank the trawlers of Britain at Dogger Bank, but the first minister did not find a reason for war in the incident. Balfour has set up the Imperial Defense Committee, the instrument of our military preparations. He brought to signing a document of particular importance - the treaty with France of 1904, we talked about it in the previous chapter. But England in 1905 remained indifferent to his achievements.
Trust in the government has steadily declined. The Conservative Party has degenerated.
The opposition united all the opponents of the dying government, the protest was gaining momentum.
In late November 1905, Prime Minister Balfour asked the King to resign. Campbell-Bannerman formed the government; elections were scheduled for January 1906.
The Liberal Party, since the Boer War, has split into two wings:
the new Cabinet included representatives of both factions. Some of the most important posts went to a group of liberal-imperialists renowned for many talents. Mr. Asquith took the Treasury, Sir Edward Gray the Foreign Office, Mr. Haldane the Secretary of Defense. The other wing, the mainstream of liberal politics, gathered around the prime minister: the head of the Cabinet appointed Sir Robert Reid as Lord Chancellor and Mr. John Morley as Secretary of State for India. During the South African campaign, Reid and Morley did not deny the need for practical military measures, but they tirelessly condemned the war itself; the new members of the Cabinet, the Democratic politicians Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. John Burns, went even further in their peacefulness.
The venerable figures of Lord Ripon, Sir Henry Fowler, and the recent Viceroy of India, Lord Elgin, added to the merits of the administration.
In the January elections of 1906, the Conservatives suffered a complete collapse.
The parliamentary history of England has known nothing like it since the great Reformbill. To give an example: Manchester, one of the principle constituencies, rejected Balfour and eight Conservatives in favor of nine elected Liberals and Labor. After twenty years in power, the Conservatives had only one hundred and fifty seats left in the House of Commons.
The Liberals won a hundred-vote majority over the rest of the House. Both great parties harbored deep resentments against the others; the false khaki elections backfired with abuses and responded with a demarche against the dishonorable importation of Chinese workers into South Africa.
Campbell-Bannerman was noisily celebrated by liberals, peace-loving anti-militarists, and opponents of jingoism; the prime minister received congratulations from all over the country and, at the same time, demanded from Edward Gray things of a completely different kind. The conference in Algeciras writhed in agony. A few years ago, the German government accepted the Anglo-French agreement on Egypt and Morocco without complaint or protest. Moreover: in 1904, the Imperial Chancellor, Prince Bülow, declared: Germany has no objection to the treaty. “In our opinion, this is an attempt to eliminate the contradictions between England and France on the path of friendly mutual understanding. German interests give no reason to oppose it.” But two parties - the pan-German and the colonial - made a big fuss and the government was embarrassed. The pressure of agitated political forces changed the course of the state and, just a year later, Berlin openly attacked the treaty and was looking for only an opportunity to declare its views on Morocco. The case was not long in coming.
At the beginning of 1905, a French mission arrived in Fez. The envoys of Paris, in word and deed, openly, contrary to international obligations under the Treaty of Madrid, treated Morocco as a French protectorate.
The Sultan appealed to the Kaiser:
Does France act with the consent of all Europe? The complaint gave Berlin a reason to defend international law. The background of the German arbitration efforts left no doubt: Berlin was upset and warned France - do not offend Germany, even with an agreement with the British. Radical action followed. The Kaiser was persuaded to go to Tangier and there, on March 31, 1905, he, contrary to own opinion, delivered a speech drawn up by ministers: it was a cartel of France, uncompromising and unequivocal. The German Foreign Ministry put the text of the speech into the widest possible circulation and, in hot pursuit, (April 11 and 12) menacingly demanded Paris and London for a general conference of all countries participating in the Madrid Agreement. Germany used every means to inspire France - refusal of the conference means war;
for greater confidence and greater persuasiveness, a special ambassador left for Paris from Berlin (1).
France was not ready for war: the poor state of the army, the incapacity of Russia, and, in addition, a weak legal position in the ensuing lawsuit. But Delcasset, the French foreign minister, did not back down. Germany threatened more and more and, on June 6, the Rouvier government agreed to a conference - unanimously and almost in front of the enemy's guns. Delcasset immediately resigned.
Germany has succeeded. The direct threat of war broke the will of France, the government sacrificed Delcasse, the minister who brought the country an agreement with Great Britain.
Rouvier's cabinet was persistently looking for an amicable deal: France, at the cost of significant concessions, wanted to get away from the humiliation at the imposed conference.
But Germany was intent on squeezing victory dry and did nothing to alleviate the fate of France, either before or during the conference. The countries met at Algeciras, in January 1906.
Britain came on the scene: domestic upheavals did not shake our equanimity and stamina in the least. England in no way urged France to reject the meeting. But it was also impossible to stand aside: recently, before the eyes of the whole world, we signed a treaty - the direct cause of today's military threats to Germany.
Campbell-Bannerman ordered Gray to support France wholeheartedly in Algeciras.
In addition to this - this is how the era of Peace, Economy and Reform began - the prime minister authorized a dialogue between the general staffs of Britain and France on joint actions in case of war:
a step of great significance and far-reaching consequences. From that moment, intimate, trusting, steadily growing ties between the military departments of the two countries began. We have given the thoughts of the warlords a certain direction and clear boundaries. Mutual trust and mutual precautions grew and grew stronger in joint military work. Both countries could firmly insist on the purely technical significance of the discussions and unequivocally renounce any consequences in the form of political and state obligations, but the fact remained that Britain and France had very strong ties.
Britain came to Algeciras and the conference turned against Germany. Russia, Spain and other participants joined England and France. Austria showed the Germans the limits through which they could not cross. Germany was isolated and lost at the council table all the achievements of military blackmail. Ultimately, Austria offered a compromise and gave Germany an honorable retreat. Events have taken a serious turn. The split of Europe has clearly taken shape, there was a crystallization of the two systems. Germany wished to tie Austria tighter. Undisguised intimidation shocked the French public opinion. Immediate and decisive reform followed. French army, the alliance with Britain was strengthened and established. Algeciras stood as a milestone on the way to Armageddon.
The illness and death of Sir Campbell-Bannerman in 1908 opened the way for Mr. Asquith. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was the first assistant to the Prime Minister and, as the head of the Cabinet progressively declined, he took on burden after burden.
He took it upon himself to pass a new act of licenses: main question session of 1908; an honorable task brought under Asquith's hand the extreme, doctrinaire, hitherto hostile, anti-imperialist wing of the party. Asquith allied himself decisively with Lloyd George: a man of democratic talent and growing reputation. Power quietly passed from hand to hand. Mr. Asquith became Prime Minister, Mr. Lloyd George became Secretary of the Treasury and second in command of the government. The new Cabinet, like the previous one, has become a veiled coalition. Deep divisions separated the liberal imperialists from the radical pacifists, the Campbell Bannerman supporters, the latter representing the majority of the party and the majority of the Cabinet. Asquith, now Prime Minister, befitted impartiality, but his heart and aspirations remained with Edward Grey, the War Office and the Admiralty.
Every time, in view of important events, in difficult moments of forced revelation, the head of the Cabinet took the side of the Foreign Office, the military and sailors. But Asquith could not, as much as he wanted to, support Gray with the efficiency of a Campbell-Bannerman. The word of the old leader was law for party extremists. They could take almost anything from him.
The Radicals unquestioningly believed that Campbell-Bannerman would do nothing but what was absolutely necessary in foreign and defense policy and would consider satisfying jingo sentiments a last resort. But Asquith's past was different - he did not brand the Boer War at all, and his bosom friend - the Minister of Foreign Affairs - went even further and completely left the path of the righteous for the sake of patriotic pastures. Party elders saw the prime minister as an outsider and followed his steps in foreign affairs with particular vigilance. The military dialogue with France was opened by Henry Campbell-Bannerman, justified by the virtues of the old premier: I doubt that Asquith would have been able to initiate and move forward such negotiations.
In 1904, the free trade controversy brought me to the benches of the parliamentary opposition; since then, Lloyd George and I have worked in close political alliance. He was the first to greet me. Until the fall of Balfour, we sat side by side and worked together; remained close friends under Campbell-Bannerman: then I entered the administration as Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies. Cooperation continued under the new government - I became the Minister of Trade, a member of the Cabinet, and we - for different reasons, but together - took the side of opponents of self-will in military and international affairs. It must be understood that all combinations of different positions and dissimilar characters are characteristic and usual for any strong and first-rate British administration and in no way interfere with harmonious and concordant relations: we worked with pleasantness, in an atmosphere of courtesy, friendship and goodwill.
A short time later, the next European crisis began. On October 5, 1908, Austria, without conversation or notice, announced the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Both provinces belonged to the Turkish Empire and were administered by Austria under the Treaty of Berlin in 1878; annexation meant only a formal confirmation of the actual state of affairs. In the summer there was a Young Turk revolution; it seemed that Austria saw the possible restoration of Turkish sovereignty over Bosnia and Herzegovina, seized the initiative and made a preemptive move. It is possible that prudent and polite diplomacy would provide Austria with the desired comforts. Moreover, the course of negotiations with Russia - the great power most interested in the matter - favored this. But the Austrian Foreign Minister, Count Ehrenthal, did not complete the dialogue with Russia, did not agree on an acceptable compensation, but interrupted the discussion with a sudden and rude declaration of annexation. It was an act of special, cruel, public humiliation of Russia and a personal insult to its representative at the negotiations, Mr. Izvolsky.
Anger rose, protests rained down. Britain refused to recognize the annexation as well as the simultaneous declaration of the independence of Bulgaria - we relied on the decision of the London Conference of 1871: agreement with the other parties to the treaty.” Türkiye loudly condemned the lawlessness and launched an effective boycott of Austrian trade. Serbia mobilized. But Russia's reaction was much more serious.
Austria aroused fierce anger in the Russians, and only one last step remained until the Great War. The personal difference between Erenthal and Izvolsky played a role in the conflict between the two countries.
Great Britain and Russia were inclined to accept what had happened and, at the same time, insisted on a conference. Austria, supported by Germany, refused. The main danger was the possible and abrupt movements of Serbia. Edward Gray made it clear that Britain could not be drawn into the war because of the Balkan squabble and set about pacifying Serbia, pacifying Turkey; Russia received full diplomatic support from Britain. The quarrel went on until April 1909 and ended in a striking way. Austria decided to issue an ultimatum to Serbia and declare war on Belgrade's refusal to recognize the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Here the German Chancellor, Bülow, intervened: Russia, he insisted, should advise Serbia to retreat. The Powers must recognize the annexation - officially, without convening a conference. Serbia will not receive compensation. Germany is waiting for a positive answer from St. Petersburg without any preliminary relations between Russia and the governments of France and Britain. If Russia does not agree, Austria will declare war on Serbia with the full and complete support of Germany. Russia stood before the war with the Austro-German alliance and sank, as happened to France three years ago. England remained the lone defender of international law and the sanctity of treaties. The Teutons won a complete victory. But the triumph was bought at a dangerous price. In 1905, France was mistreated and undertook a complete military reorganization. In 1910, Russia's turn came: the tsar's army, already great in number, has grown tremendously. Similar grievances cemented the alliance between Russia and France: the allies closed ranks and set to work - Paris and St. Petersburg threw Russian labor and French money into strategic construction, into strengthening the western Russian border with a network of railways.
It was Britain's turn: German pressure turned against us.
In the spring of 1909, First Admiralty Lord Macken unexpectedly demanded at least six new dreadnoughts for the fleet. He justified the request by the rapid growth of the German fleet: the Reichstag adopted the naval novel of 1908, the new law provided for accelerated construction and an increase in the number of ships, the Admiralty was seriously worried. At the time, I regarded the threat from Europe with skepticism and was not satisfied with the arguments of the Admiralty. The proposal immediately found friendly opponents in me and the Chancellor of the Exchequer; we took up the study of the arguments of the maritime department, and came to a joint conclusion: four ships would be enough.
The discussion involved me in careful study, I analyzed the current and predicted characteristics of the naval forces of Germany and Britain.
The Admiralty claimed that the situation would become dangerous in 1912: I could not agree with this, found the figures of the Navy department exaggerated and did not believe that Germany was building dreadnoughts secretly, bypassing the published laws of the sea. The new program gave the Germans four dreadnoughts, and I insisted that, taking into account the ships of the pre-dreadnought type - we were ahead of Germany in them - British Navy sufficient superiority is guaranteed for the “dangerous year,” as 1912 came to be called. One way or another, but the current budget remained in force: the Admiralty insisted on laying the fifth and sixth ships only in the last month of the financial year, in March 1910. The Chancellor of the Exchequer and I proposed to approve four dreadnoughts for 1909, and decide the fate of an additional two in the debate on program of 1910.
In today's light, the voluminous notes of the 1909 discussion leave no doubt that we were absolutely right in everything that could be foreseen from facts and figures.
The dire predictions of the Admiralty by no means came true; Britain retained a fair advantage in 1912. Germany did not secretly build dreadnoughts, Admiral von Tirpitz did not lie and did not hide the true state of German shipbuilding.
The controversy went beyond the walls of the Cabinet, a strong excitement arose. The debate heated up the situation. Nobody wanted to understand the true subject of the dispute. For the first time, wide sections of citizens opened their eyes to the German threat, genuine anxiety swept through the country.
In the end, we managed to find an unusual and characteristic solution. The Admiralty demanded six ships, the economists proposed four: they settled on eight. But five of the eight dreadnoughts got into service only after the “dangerous”, 1912, peacefully passed into the past.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer and I turned out to be absolutely right, but right in a pragmatic sense and completely misunderstood the underlying course of fate. Honor and glory to the First Lord of the Admiralty, Mackenna: he stood before the opinion of the party and fought, in courage and determination. Could I have imagined that by the next governmental crisis over the fleet, the roles of Mackenna and I would have changed, could I have imagined that I would eventually accept new ships - they were put to sea by the First Lord's indomitable tenacity - with open arms?
The exact number of ships needed by this or that year could be debated this way and that, but the main, indisputable fact was clear to our people: Berlin is going to reinforce the incomparable German army with a fleet and, by 1920, will far surpass the sea power of modern Britain. After the maritime law of 1900, the amendments of 1906 followed, the expanded program of 1906 was followed by the novella of 1908. Already in 1904, the Kaiser, rhetoric in Reval, appointed himself "Admiral of the Atlantic."
Reasonable people all over England were deeply disturbed. Why Germany has a huge fleet? With whom are they measured, with whom are they competing, how will they use the ships, against whom, if not against us? It was not only politicians and diplomats who were worried, anxiety took root and grew everywhere: the Prussians conceived evil, they envy the splendor of the British Empire and, if they had the opportunity to profit at our expense, they would take the opportunity to the fullest. An epiphany came - inaction is futile and only countermeasures can turn Germany back. The Germans saw in our unwillingness to build ships a defect in the national spirit and additional confirmation of their own claims, a mature race should dare and dislodge an exhausted, peaceful, overly civilized community that has outlived its strength from a disproportionately high place in world affairs. Everyone will see the danger, if not the malice, in the series of figures - German and British shipbuilding in the three years of the Liberal Cabinet.
In 1905, Britain built 4 ships, Germany - 1.
In 1906, Britain reduced the program to 3 ships, Germany increased it to 3.
In 1907, Britain continued to reduce and stopped at 2 ships, while Germany further expanded the program to 4.
Eloquent figures.
Almost everyone, gradually and forcedly, came to the inevitable conclusion:
if we fall behind with the fleet, it will be very difficult to catch up.
Five years have passed before the reader; three of the dominant powers started up and were deeply worried about the policy of Germany and the growth of its armaments.
The direct threat of war forced France and Russia to bow to the Germans. The German neighbor pacified the resistance with unequivocal intentions to use force without pity or restraint. Both powers chose to escape bloody trials and probable collapse at the cost of mere obedience. The feeling of the experienced insult was aggravated by the fear of future humiliations. The third country, not ready for war, but inaccessible to the enemy and inseparable from world affairs - Britain - felt alien and powerful hands on the very roots of statehood. The German fleet appeared at our doors and its growth - fast, confident, methodical - meant imminent danger, demanded from us diligent effort and vigilance: not peaceful, but wartime. Russia and France are building up their armies: Britain, under the burden of similar circumstances, must increase her fleet.
The hour struck and the three alarmed powers converged for joint action:
the enemy will no longer take them one by one. Since that time, gradually, but the coordination of military preparations of the three allies begins, and the three countries understand security as a common cause.
O reckless Germans! You work hard, think hard, trample the parade grounds of Vaterland in attacks and counterattacks, embark on long calculations; you are irritated in the midst of the spring of your prosperity, you are annoyed by the abundance of the fruits of the earth, and not a single bastion, not a single defense of your own peace and glory will resist the German hand!
“The situation of 1909,” writes Bethmann-Hollweg, Bulow's future successor, “was the result of the position of Britain and the actions of Germany: London firmly took the side of France and Russia, British policy traditionally turned against the then strongest power on the Continent; Germany stubbornly pursued the naval program, pursued a determined Ostpolitik and, among other things, built necessary protection against France - pre-war Paris in no way moderated hostility.
Britain declared friendship with the Franco-Russian alliance, and we saw in this a monstrous aggravation of all the aggressive tendencies of the military convention; meanwhile, England, in growing horror, watched our growing fleet and suffered infringements on her ancient rights in Eastern affairs. The time for words is gone.
The cold came and the sky was covered with clouds of distrust.” In these words, the new German Chancellor describes the legacy he has inherited.
The time has come to add it to the anxieties of the world.
Chapter 3. Agadir.
In the spring of 1911, French troops occupied Fetz. The military expedition aggravated the growing irritation of Germany and, at the end of July, the imperial government responded to a new annoyance with sudden rudeness. A well-known German company in pre-war European financial circles, the Mannesmann Brothers, announced that it was very interested in a harbor on the Atlantic coast of Morocco. It was about the bay of Agadir and the surrounding areas. The State Secretary of the German Foreign Office, Herr von Kiderlen-Wächter, turned to Paris for clarification. France did not object to compensation and offered Berlin a full-fledged exchange of Moroccan benefits in territory in the Congo. The German press compared the temperate climate of Morocco with the disease-causing tropics of the Congo and was indignant: the Germans had more than enough colonies with bad meteorological conditions. The question spawned many convoluted and completely unimportant ramifications. The French prepared for a lengthy negotiation. It seemed that the key problem could be solved without much difficulty.
France declared that it sees only a wild sandy coast, without a single trading establishment or house, denies the presence of German interests in the bay itself and in the surrounding lands, but proposes a joint inspection of the plenipotentiaries of the parties. Departure to the site will allow you to easily testify to the actual state of affairs. Paris notified Germany that it was ready to survey the Congo.
And suddenly, on the morning of July 1, an unexpected message came: His Imperial Majesty the German Emperor decided to defend German interests and sent the Panther gunboat to Agadir. A small ship is on its way. The news spread throughout Europe like a tocsin. Paris did not foresee such a development of events and did not understand the German intentions. Britain looked at sea charts and saw in the German naval base on the Atlantic coast of Africa a danger to shipping. We - as the sailors write in official letters to each other - "noted" the undoubted connection of the litigation with the activity of Germany in Madeira and the Canary Islands, in the waters where the routes for the supply of goods and food from South Africa and South America. Europe got excited.
France was seriously alarmed. Count Metternich came to Edward Gray with a notice of German actions; the British Minister delayed the answer until a discussion in the Cabinet. The government met on July 5 and the German envoy was informed that Britain would not remain aloof from the Moroccan events, but would wait with publicity until it was convinced of Berlin's intentions. From that day until July 21, the German government fell silent. Britain's determined stance stunned Berlin diplomacy. There was a so-called “period of silence”. The governments were silent, the German and French newspapers bickered in the liveliest way, the British press found the events bleak.
Day after day, long messages came to London from the embassies of all Europe, but the true intentions of the Germans remained hidden. The Cabinet constantly returned to the Moroccan question, I listened to the discussions of the ministers. Are the Germans looking for a pretext for war, or are they simply obfuscating, pressing and bargaining for new colonial gains? If the latter, then negotiations will help the cause. The great powers, in soft, well-fitted armor of diplomatic formality and etiquette, will line up against each other. The main debaters, Paris and Berlin, will occupy the front lines.
In the second echelon, at different distances, under a more or less dense smokescreen of reservations and conditions, the comrades-in-arms of the Triple Alliance and the countries of the opposing camp will be located:
it was at that time that we began to be called the triple Entente. At the right moment, the line of diplomatic corps debatalia will be expressed in words that are dark for the uninitiated, a movement will begin, one of the opponents - France or Germany - will step forward a little, step back a little, or, perhaps, move to the right or left. Diplomats will skillfully correct the great European and, of course, world balance; formidable allies will go home in parade formation, saluting, whispering congratulations or condolences to each other. A familiar picture.
But such a procedure is fraught with danger. The international relations of past years are not at all a chess game or dances of grimacing, pretentiously dressed puppets, but a meeting of huge state organisms and the interaction of exorbitant forces, obvious and hidden - thus, rapprochement space planets not free from danger, but can awaken the gigantic power of gravity. Celestial bodies converge, begin to shoot lightning at each other and, beyond a certain distance, fall from their usual orbits into an inevitable and terrible collision. Diplomacy is designed to prevent this, and diplomacy is successful as long as powers and peoples do not want war - consciously or not.
Painful, unfaithful situation; a single quick-tempered movement will quarrel everyone, mix up the cards and plunge the Cosmos into Chaos.
I believed that the true cause of Germany's discontent lay in the Anglo-French agreement. Britain received many benefits in Egypt, France - in Morocco. It is possible that the Germans feel left out: why don't they speak out and insist on their rights, politely and friendly? The leading powers agreed in the dispute, but Britain stood apart and, in my opinion, could exercise restraint, exercise its influence moderately and secure a compromise - that is what we were trying to do. But if Germany is acting maliciously, then moderation does not make any sense. It is necessary to firmly pronounce the decisive word and not be late with it. Britain's self-elimination is useless.
Without our restraining influence, the antagonists may go too far. I looked for solutions to the dilemma in the circulating documents and telegrams, and I noticed behind Edward Gray's composure a growing and at times heavy anxiety.
The unsteady play of forces in our own Sanhedrin added to the heated darkness of European affairs. And vice versa: the Cabinet has become a miniature copy of the international diplomatic arena with its hesitations and omissions. Without exception, all the ministers responsible for British foreign policy gathered in the liberal-imperialist wing of the government and behind their benches stood the weighty trident of sea power. The imperialists were closely guarded and balanced by the radicals, on their side were the influential Lord Morley and Lord Laureburn: we, with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as a rule, took the side of the latter. The cabinet teetered between opinions and hesitation could easily turn into indecision, England's inability to take one side or another in a dangerous turn of events. Circumstances developed in such a way that we still could not wash our hands, turn away from danger and prevent disaster by timely and categorical actions. Under these conditions, the position of the Chancellor of the Exchequer acquired special weight.
For several weeks Lloyd George did not reveal his intentions; I talked with him many times and came to the conclusion: the Chancellor is swinging between sides. But the time has come and in the morning, July 21, before the Cabinet meeting, I found in him a completely different person. The Chancellor's intention became clear: Lloyd George made a decision. He knew what to do, when and how. The Treasury Secretary concluded that Britain was slipping into war. The chancellor analyzed in detail the lingering and oppressive silence of Berlin. He pointed out that Germany was acting in complete disregard for England, that our unambiguous position had been completely ignored, that severe pressure on France was continuing, a catastrophe might occur, and the disaster must be averted by a statement - immediate and categorical.
That evening, Lloyd George was going to speak at the annual dinner of bankers;
he revealed to me that he would take advantage of the opportunity and, without hesitation, declare: if Germany conceived a war, then she would find Britain in the ranks of the enemy. The Chancellor showed me the prepared speech and added that after the meeting of the Cabinet he would acquaint the Prime Minister and Edward Gray with it. How will they react to this? I replied that, no doubt, as I did: with great relief.
Lloyd George changed sides, our international behavior was determined.
Now the government could pursue a firm and intelligible line.
Evening came, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer spoke the following words to the bankers:
If the situation puts us before a choice - to keep the peace, but to lose a brilliant and advantageous position, the fruit of centuries of effort and heroism, if a peaceful state turns into the right to infringe on vital important interests Britain and neglect us in international affairs, then I will categorically call the world bought at such a price a humiliation intolerable for our great power.
The audience ignored the statement. The businessmen were occupied with Lloyd George's fiscal policy: unfriendly, frighteningly burdensome for property and wealth - if only they knew what the future had in store for them! The bankers felt that the minister had routinely and for the sake of formality inserted foreign affairs into his speech. But the embassies of Europe started up at once.
Four days later, at half past five in the afternoon, the Chancellor and I were walking by the fountains of Buckingham Palace. A breathless messenger appeared on our way. Would the Minister of the Exchequer deign to visit Sir Edward Gray immediately?
Lloyd George turned to me impulsively: “This is a speech. The Germans may demand my resignation: remember Delcasse.” I replied: "You will become the most popular person in England" (today his name is on everyone's lips, but at that time it was different). We hurried back to the ward, to Gray's office. The owner of the office greeted us with the words: “The German ambassador has just left me. Almost a break; the Germans can attack the fleet at any moment. I sent for McKenna." Sir Edward briefly recounted the conversation with Metternich.
The ambassador said that Berlin finds no justification for the words of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Count firmly declared: if France rejected the outstretched hand of the imperial government, Germany would stop at nothing, but defend her honor and treaty rights. Following this, Metternich read out a lengthy complaint against Mr Lloyd George “whose speech, in the most delicate interpretation, sounds like a warning to Germany and is, in fact, taken by the press of Great Britain and France as a warning bordering on intimidation.” Gray felt it right to point out that His Majesty's government was not worthy to discuss the subject itself - the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer - after a note drafted in such a tone. While we were talking, the First Lord of the Admiralty arrived, stayed with us for a few minutes, and rushed off to give alarm orders.
The trouble came in the guise of prudent and correct words. Scrupulously measured phrases sounded in the spacious, quiet chambers, soft, calm, courteous, serious conversation cooed. But the guns began to speak and the peoples fell at the hands of the same Germany, following smaller demarches. Polite speeches, but Admiralty radiograms are already flowing through the air to the tops of the ship's masts, and anxious captains are pacing the decks. Unthinkable. Impossible. Recklessness, scary tales, no one dares to do this in the twentieth century. Darkness will blaze with fire, night killers will aim at the throat, torpedoes will tear the bottoms of unfinished ships and the dawn will reveal the melting sea power of our now defenseless island? No, it's incredible. Nobody dares. Civilization, as before, will prevail. Many institutions will save the world: the interdependence of nations, trade and trade, the spirit of the social contract, the Hague Convention, liberal principles, the Labor Party, world finance, Christian charity, common sense. Are you completely sure of this? It would be bad to be wrong. Such a mistake can only be made once and for all.
The speech in the town hall (1) came as a surprise to all countries and sounded like a thunderclap for the German government. The Germans gathered information ahead of time and were convinced that Lloyd George would lead a peace-loving party and, thereby, neutralize England. Now Germany went to the other extreme and imagined the intrigue of a close-knit British Cabinet: the ministers deliberately chose and forced to read the notorious speech of the most notorious radical - the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (2) The Germans wondered how their representatives and spies in Great Britain could be so grossly deceived. Berlin appointed Metternich as a scapegoat and, at the first opportunity, recalled the count from London. According to the German government, the ambassador, for ten years of work in England, could not study the personal qualities and made a mistake in the policy of the most influential minister.
Now we have the facts and we can conclude that such a prediction would not be easy for Metternich. How could he judge Lloyd George's intentions?
Colleagues in the Cabinet saw the text of the speech only a few hours before the speech. I could not imagine the actions of the chancellor, although I cooperated with him in the closest way. No one knew. He didn't know until he fully grasped what was going on.
Today it seems that Germany was not going to fight for Agadir, but was testing the waters, teetering on the edge of the abyss. The world could easily fall down: a gust of wind, dizziness and everyone is going to hell. But whatever the secret German intentions before the official British intervention, we explained ourselves and Germany no longer wanted war.
The Treasury Secretary's speech and subsequent events convinced Berlin that, under the circumstances, military pressure on France would bring Britain into the enemy camp.
There was no immediate retreat, but the Germans began to avoid provocations towards the French with the greatest care and led negotiations towards concessions and reconciliation.
The government worked under the greatest pressure: we tried to measure the true depth of the differences and assess the real cost of the claims; in July, August and September the situation remained painful and vague. German diplomacy moved towards a solution slowly and hardly perceptibly, news of military preparations came from Berlin, our fears grew. One hot summer day was replaced by another: it seemed that a thunderstorm was approaching.
The position of a member of the Cabinet gave me the opportunity to observe the course of events and I followed them, closely, but detachedly: the Minister of the Interior does not have a direct relationship with foreign affairs. An unexpected incident shocked me. On July 27, Asquith hosted a summer reception in the garden at 10 Downing Street. Among those invited was the chief of the London police, Sir Edward Henry.
We talked about European affairs: I found them serious. Sir Henry remarked that the Home Office, namely the London Police, was responsible - by some strange arrangement - for guarding all the stores of naval cordite in the depots at Chattenden and Lodge Hill. There are several constables on guard, many years and so far without incident. I inquired: what would happen if at night twenty determined and well-armed Germans drove up to the explosive stores in two or three cars? Sir Henry replied that nothing would stop the intruders. I hastened to take my leave.
The journey to the Ministry of the Interior took several minutes; I went up to my office and called the Admiralty. Who from the authorities is in place? The first lord with a fleet at Cromarty, the first sea lord rode off with an inspection. Both, of course, can be quickly contacted by telephone or wireless telegraph. The admiral was left in charge - let's omit his name. I called for the Marines, immediately, to guard the fleet's vital supplies. I knew there were more than enough Marines in the training units at Chatham and Portsmouth. The admiral replied that the Admiralty was not obliged and did not intend to do anything: the naval man was frankly indignant at the alarmist civilian minister who had appeared out of nowhere.
“You refuse to send the Marines?” The admiral hesitated for a moment, but answered:
"I refuse." I hung up and called the War Department. Mr. Haldane was there. I told him that I was assembling and arming police guards to guard explosives, and asked for reinforcements - an infantry company to each of the storages. A few minutes - and orders are given, a few hours - and the soldiers are on duty. By morning, cordite reserves were under reliable protection.
insignificant incident; Perhaps I was worried for nothing. But the case opened my eyes and attracted attention. Everyday life was seething around - peaceful, fearless, carefree. The people on the streets, women and men, considered the foreign threat to be sheer nonsense. For ten centuries or so no enemy soldier has set foot on the soil of England. For a hundred years, the fatherland has not experienced danger. The British, completely self-sufficient, very self-confident, year after year, generation after generation, were engaged in business, sports, class and party struggle. The nation thought in peaceful categories. Long, quiet times have shaped our way of life. Distrust, an angry unwillingness to listen—this is how most Englishmen would react to the tale of the possible imminence of a monstrous war, to the suggestion that in the very city of London, the hospitable harbor of all the seas, malevolent and determined foreigners are preparing to strike a mortal blow against our first weapon and surest defense. .
I began looking for weaknesses in the country's defense. It turned out that the far-sighted Captain Hankey - later assistant secretary of the Committee of Imperial Defense - was already compiling a list of potential threats for the draft mobilization schedule (3). I dealt with issues of sabotage, espionage and counter-espionage, turned to competent civil servants: they worked in secret, they took the subject very seriously, but they had little strength and modest means. I was told about German spies and agents in British ports. Previously, if it was necessary to extract a single private letter from the Royal Postal Service and examine it, the Home Office had to issue a warrant. I issued a general order and authorized the opening of all correspondence of some persons from a special, constantly growing list. Soon a regular and wide agent network was discovered: Germany created it from the bribed British. The law did not assign a prominent place to the Ministry of the Interior in the system of military preparations, but I devoted myself entirely to them, for the next seven years, leaving almost no attention to other issues. All the fighting slogans of our election campaign - liberal politics, the people's budget, free trading, peace, economy, reforms - have lost their importance in the face of the new task. In the line of arriving, formidable needs, only the Irish question withstood. I believe that the course of events led the minds of other ministers as well. But I'm telling my own story.
I carefully studied the military situation in Europe, read everything I could get my hands on. Many hours passed in arguments and discussions. The Minister of War ordered that all my questions be answered. The Chief of the General Staff - William Nicholson - was my friend from the ancient times of the Tirah expedition. In 1898, I, then a young officer, served with him on the staff of William Lockhart. Nicholson adhered to a clear and firm military doctrine and set out the state of affairs in an excellent and extensive note. But most of all I am indebted to the Chief of Operations: General (later Field Marshal) Henry Wilson.
The general, a deeply principled and remarkably far-sighted officer, with an encyclopedic and, I believe, unique knowledge of the Continent, thoroughly studied the French army and the secrets of the French general headquarters. At that time he headed the Staff College. For many years, Sir Henry advocated immediate and joint action with France in case of war and had no doubt that sooner or later, he would have to fight. From all sides trickles of military information flowed towards Wilson. The general hung up in his small office a map of Belgium: a huge one, full-length, with a clear image of a network of roads in any way suitable for the passage of the German armies. He spent all his vacation days at the map: he studied the routes of the movement of troops and roundabout areas. Wilson could not work fruitfully in Germany: he was too well known there.
One evening, the German ambassador, Count Metternich - by then we had known each other for ten years - invited me to dinner. We spent time together; the count exhibited the famous rhine wine of the imperial cellars. The conversation was about Germany, about its present greatness, about Napoleon, about the role of Bonaparte in the unification of the German people, about the beginning and end of the Franco-Prussian war. - What a pity - I said - that Bismarck could not resist the military and agreed to take Lorraine. Now Lorraine and Alsace are the root of European strife and armed confrontation. The count objected: Germany has long owned these lands, but on one of the peaceful days, Louis XIV jumped over the borders, jumped in and captured them. But the people of Alsace and Lorraine are pro-French, aren't they? In different ways, Metternich answered. I objected: be that as it may, but the fire smolders. France will never forget the lost provinces, and they, in turn, will never stop crying out to Paris. We turned to close and very delicate matters. Is the Count concerned about the current situation? “They are trying to encircle Germany and catch it in the net,” the ambassador said, “but she is too strong for hunters. I inquired about what kind of captures and networks are we talking about, because Germany is allied with Austria-Hungary and Italy, powers of the first class? England was not embarrassed by complete isolation, we lived like that for many years. But you live on an island, Metternich retorted. Germany has gone through long times of plunder, oppression, and not the sea, but only the bayonets of soldiers stand between us and the invasion. It ingrained itself in the German soul.
The conversation turned to naval affairs. “Germany is making a huge mistake competing with us on the water,” I said. England cannot be overtaken. We will build two ships for every German one, and build more if necessary, and each step in the naval contest will turn into a new round of enmity. No matter how our radicals and conservatives honor each other, we are united in this. Disregard for naval superiority will fire any government. Metternich replied that he had heard the same words from Mr. Lloyd George, but Germany did not think about naval dominance. She needs a fleet to protect her colonies and trade. I asked: what is the use of the weakest fleet? He becomes a hostage to circumstances. The emperor, the count replied, is deeply attached to his fleet, this is his brainchild. I did not oppose, noting that Moltke interpreted the true interests of Germany in a different way.
We were cautious, but the conversation turned out to be pleasant. Our conversation was of little importance; I gave it as an example different points vision. Subsequently, I learned that in similar circumstances the Chancellor of the Exchequer put it much stronger. He declared that he would spend hundreds of millions annually on the fleet if Britain's dominance of the seas was in real danger.
Count Metternich, a man of honor, served the Kaiser faithfully, but tried to keep the peace, especially the peace between England and Germany. I heard that one day, in Berlin, in a meeting of princes and generals, someone declared that Britain was capable of inflicting a sudden and treacherous sea attack on Germany. The ambassador immediately replied that, after ten years of living in London, he found what he had said unimaginable. The assembly responded to Metternich with obvious distrust; the count got up and noticed that he vouched for his words with the honor of a German officer. There was a moment's silence.
Close-minded people habitually sneer at the old diplomacy and see the causes of wars in its secret machinations. It is easy to go astray when looking at the petty causes of many and great quarrels and battles, but these are just speculations about the petty symptoms of a dangerous disease. The interests, passions and destinies of powerful nations and peoples lie in the depths, but a long history of contradictions comes to the surface in the details. The old truth says, "Great commotions start small, but not for small reasons."
Pre-war diplomacy tried to eliminate the small germs of danger, but it could not do more. However, a delay can also prevent a collision. Time passes, circumstances change, one combination, alliances, interests are replaced by others. The traditional diplomacy of Europe settled many war-threatening squabbles and thunderstorms - in the words of Lord Melbourne - "passed by." Let the peoples, while the memory of terrible times is still fresh, find other, vast, weighty guarantees of peace and lay a solid foundation of brotherhood and mutual interest under the building of the new world, but even then courteous manners, polite, balanced phrases, imperturbable behavior, secrecy will remain in use. and the foresight of the old European diplomacy. But we digress.
On August 23, the parliamentary recess began, the government dispersed, and Asquith called a strictly secret meeting of the Committee of Imperial Defense. The prime minister invited the ministers responsible for defense and international affairs, and, of course, the chancellor of the exchequer. The command of the army and navy arrived. The subject of the meeting was not directly related to the Home Office, but Asquith asked me to come too. We sat all day long. In the morning the army set out, followed by the fleet.
Sir Henry Wilson, Chief of Operations, took the floor from the General Staff.
The general removed from the wall and brought to the meeting a huge map of Belgium, unfolded it in front of us and outlined - time has confirmed the correctness of Sir Henry down to the smallest detail - the plan of the German campaign against Paris in the conditions of the war of two alliances: the Austro-German with the Franco-Russian. The plan, in short, looked like this.
First of all, Germany will leave only a barrier against Russia, one-fifth of her forces; four-fifths will go to France. The German armies will line up from the Swiss border to Aachen. The eastern border of France is covered by a line of fortresses and the right German wing will move around Belgium. The huge army masses of the right wing will require every road in the strip from Luxembourg to the Belgian Meuse. There are fifteen roads in this area, each of them can miss up to three divisions. The Germans will march along the Meuse and the river will protect their right flank.
There are three important fortresses along the river:
forward positions. The first, closest to Germany, is Liege; the last, neighboring France, is Namur; between them, halfway there is Fort Yui. The Germans will capture the fortifications, but the further is unclear - the enemy may remain on east coast and use the river as a cover, but can bring in large forces, force a water barrier and lead an envelopment west of the Meuse. The German plan remained obscure only on this point.
Are the Germans going to cross the Meuse? Will they confine themselves to a curtain of cavalry, or will they move several infantry divisions across the river, even an army corps? Today we know that the enemy put two full-blooded armies into action, but by the time of the meeting, the most gloomy assumptions were limited to one, in the extreme case, two corps.
The headquarters had thorough evidence of the complete readiness of the Germans. Huge military camps near the Belgian border, vast warehouses, railway networks, endless access roads convincingly revealed their purpose.
Motorcyclists and soldiers in cars left the Elseborn camp and captured Liège in a single throw, a few hours after the declaration of war or without waiting for the diplomatic formalities to be completed. It was August 1911, Elsenborn was teeming with troops, closed to curious visitors and ordinary villagers - they were, without ceremony, driven away from the military camp.
What will become of Belgium? Liège cannot be saved, but the French can manage to defend Namur. The rest of the Belgian army - if Belgium resists - will withdraw to Antwerp. The royal court and the Belgian people will find their last refuge in the fortress, a vast fortified area, behind a triple line of forts, in a tangle of rivers and canals.
The headquarters also studied the position of Holland. It differed from the Belgian one - the Germans, according to the speaker, did not intend to invade the Netherlands, but could, for practical reasons, pass through the “Maastricht appendix” - this is how, at that time, the bizarre offshoot of the Dutch territory, the corridor between Germany, was called in the jargon of the British military and Belgium. The Germans could decide to march through the "appendix" if they were going to use significant forces west of the Meuse.
We only received general idea about French plans - Paris hoped to anticipate a large-scale invasion and undermine the enveloping movement of the Germans with a counteroffensive of the greatest scope.
Wilson gave the estimated number of enemy divisions, on all fronts, after the end of mobilization:
France 95 Germany 110
The military claimed that six British divisions on the left end of the French flank would help fend off the first blow - if not to delay and send troops after the declaration of war. Living evidence of Allied assistance will double the strength of every French soldier. Wilson presciently doubted the strength of Russia, he assessed the consequences of the slow mobilization of the Russian armies and dispelled many illusions. It seemed incredible that Germany would fence itself off from Russian power with a barrier of some twenty divisions. But the British military leaders found the German plan reasonable. The reader will see that at the critical moment of the battle, Russia and her sovereign fulfilled their allied duty and, at the cost of the greatest sacrifices, diverted vital forces for Germany to the east. At that time, we could not foresee such a turn of military affairs; today, Russia's efforts are almost forgotten.
The inevitable and lengthy discussion began, we discussed many issues and, at 2 pm, we parted for a break; the meeting resumed at 3, the floor was taken by the first sea lord, Arthur Wilson. Sir Arthur hung up another map and laid out at length what the Admiralty thought the course should be followed by Britain involved in the war. The Admiral did not reveal to us the plans of the Admiralty. He hid them, but clarified the main idea: a close blockade of enemy ports. Soon the meeting became convinced of the fundamental disagreement between the army and the navy. The Admiralty believed that Britain should confine itself to the sea: the small English army on the Continent would be completely dissolved in the huge warring masses, but each British soldier could draw a few enemy from the front if he remained at the pier, ready for landings and counterattacks on the German coast. The generals vehemently refuted the sailors, the views of the Admiralty did not find approval among the majority of the meeting, the naval and army representatives categorically disagreed on many details of the landing of troops. A serious disagreement between the fleet and the army on the main issues of military planning and against the background of the international crisis had a quick and immediate result: I ended up in the Admiralty.
After the meeting, Haldane privately informed Asquith that he could not be in charge of the War Office until the revamped Admiralty Board began to work in perfect harmony with the army and set up a full-fledged naval headquarters. I did not know about this conversation, but it was soon followed by a decision that completely changed my life.
I believed that the General Staff had overconfidence in the French army and feared that the minds of the generals were driven by loyalty to the ally. Our generals had no doubt that a French defeat would jeopardize the future of Britain, ardently desired to side with France, and delighted in natural but illusory assessments of French strength: the comparison was invariably favored by Paris. Most of the information came from the French. The Allied General Staff was optimistic and determined, willing to attack, and relied on the fighting spirit of the French soldier. A reliable estimate showed that the total strength of the pre-war French army was three to four in relation to the German one, but, as the war progressed, between the ninth and thirteenth day of mobilization, Paris would be able to put superior forces on the battlefield. The French generals pinned great hopes on seizing the initiative, on the fact that a decisive invasion of Alsace-Lorraine would upset the enemy's carefully calculated march through Belgium to Paris. The British General Staff fell under the influence of French expectations.
I did not share the assessments of the General Staff and expressed my thoughts to the Imperial Defense Committee in a memorandum dated August 13, 1911. Of course, this is only an attempt to look beyond the veil of time, to imagine the unimaginable, to count the uncountable, to measure the immeasurable. I wrote that by the twelfth day of mobilization “the French armies will roll back from the Meuse line to Paris and to the south”, that by the fortieth day “the enemy’s forces, both on the fronts and in the rear, will strain to the limit”, and that then “we can opportunity for a decisive test of strength." I do not claim to be a prophet, I did not think to predict the exact dates, but only gave approximate temporal guidelines for conceivable events. In fact, three years later, both predictions came true almost to the day.
At the beginning of the war, on September 2, 1914, I retyped the memorandum in the hope of inspiring colleagues - the gloomy prediction of the events of the twelfth day came true and we should also expect an auspicious, fortieth day. And so it happened.
MILITARY ASPECTS OF THE CONTINENTAL PROBLEM
Churchill Memorandum August 13, 1911 The document proceeds from the premise…. that we have decided to use the British armed forces in continental Europe. In no way do I consider such a decision to be inevitable.It is assumed that Great Britain, France and Russia are bound by allied obligations and attacked by Germany and Austria.
1. A decisive military struggle will unfold between France and Germany. The qualities of the German army are at least as good as the French, Germany mobilizes 2,200,000 against 1,700,000. In time, the balance of power may even out somewhat and the French should seize the opportunity. This is possible either before the full deployment of the German troops or after the enemy has stretched his forces. The first occasion may present itself between the ninth and thirteenth day, the second around the fortieth day.
2. In the first days of mobilization, the French will have equality or a temporary advantage in the border areas, but this fact does not deserve attention, unless Paris decides on a strategic offensive. The French may move out immediately, but they will immediately lose the advantage of action along internal lines and meet with enemy reinforcements advancing towards them: thus, any advantage of the first days will be only temporary and will quickly come to naught. The Germans do not benefit from the first days, they will not launch a general offensive without a solid advantage. At the beginning of the war, Paris has no choice: the French will have to keep the defense along the line of their own fortresses and near the Belgian border: the date of the first, main attack will be set by Germany. We will not deny the enemy the mind, we will agree that the Germans will choose the most favorable moment for the offensive and only reckless and inexpedient actions of the French can force Germany to act beyond calculation.
3. An unbiased, from the point of view of Britain, assessment leads to an unambiguous conclusion:
Germany will launch a decisive offensive with a significant numerical superiority and on a fairly wide front; the French will retreat from the Belgian border, but can hold their positions between the fortresses on the Verdun-Belfort line. Opponents will converge in the inevitable series of fierce battles, luck will change the owner, the advancing Germans will have a very difficult time. We should not count on the French to stop the enemy along the entire front, but even with such a turn of affairs, the ally will not have enough strength for a counterattack.
In all likelihood, by the twelfth day of the battle, the French armies will have rolled back from the Meuse line to Paris and south. Plans that come from a different premise rely excessively on fortune.
4. We can use four or six British divisions in large-scale operations at the beginning of the war. This plan leads to an important and practical result. The true value of British troops on the Continent is out of proportion to their numbers. The landing of the British will inspire every French soldier and cost the enemy dearly in a frontier battle. But let us ask ourselves the most important question for us: what will follow the battle of the frontiers and the invasion of France? No action in the frontier areas will lead France to victory. Paris does not have sufficient forces to invade Germany. The only chance is to hit the enemy on French soil.
This question cannot be avoided and stands in the way of any final solution.
5. The strength of the German armies, as the enemy moves through Belgium and further into France, will dry out faster than the French due to the following, all or some of the reasons:
As a rule, the advancing side suffers heavy losses (especially if the Germans fail on the line of French fortresses);
Trunk operations require more soldier;
The need to allocate forces to protect communications in Belgium and France (especially on the coastal flank);
The need to blockade Paris (for 100,000 defenders of the city, at least 500,000 German troops will be required); siege or defense of other points (especially along the coast);
Landing of the British units;
The growing pressure of the Russians, since the thirtieth day;
The general consideration is that an offensive by the right wing will lead the Germans into a bad strategic situation and the enemy, sooner or later, will realize this.
All these circumstances will be aggravated with each passing day of the enemy's advance.
6. A naval blockade - as outlined in the Admiralty memorandum - will over time affect German trade, industry, food costs, hit credit and finances, add to the burden of exorbitant and daily military expenses.
The German economy will be under constant and growing oppression. [The Chancellor of the Exchequer attaches particular importance to this circumstance and notes the extremely low margin of safety of German industry and economic organizations].
7. On the fortieth day, the forces of the enemy, both on the fronts and in the rear, will strain to the limit, Germany will have to live in a cruel, daily, from some time unbearable effort and seek relief only in a complete victory over France. If, by the fortieth day of the battle, the French do not squander the troops in reckless and hopeless measures, then the balance of power will even out and, over time, will only improve.
The enemy will face a dilemma: it is necessary to attack immediately, successfully, but attack under conditions when the number of troops on both sides of the front is leveling off every day. From now on, we may have an opportunity for a decisive test of strength.
The meeting ended. The participants dispersed in gloomy thoughts.
The War Department plunged into secret troubles. Nothing leaked out, but everything conceivable is provided, prepared, painted to the smallest detail. Each battalion received its own train timetable, or, in the language of the military, a timetable: a detailed document, down to instructions on where the soldiers were supposed to drink coffee.
The military printed thousands of maps of Northern France and Belgium. The cavalrymen postponed the exercises due to "lack of water in Wiltshire and neighboring counties." The British press, uncensored, vehemently pro-Party and mostly pacifist, expressed itself in a restrained, laconic, uncoerced, firm and unanimous manner. The long, painful silence was not interrupted by a single harsh word. The big strike of the railroad workers magically ended, the owners and workers listened to the confidential address of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and, overnight, ended the matter with big concessions to each other.
In mid-August, I allowed myself a few days outside the city, but even on vacation I thought only about the military threat. The current duties did not leave me, but only questions of war owned the mind.
I will quote a letter to Edward Gray - I sent it from the blissful neighborhood of Mells.
It is possible that we are on the eve of inevitable and irrevocable decisions. I ask you to consider the following plan of action in case the negotiations on Morocco fail.
Offer France and Russia a tripartite alliance and (among other things) give joint guarantees to Belgium, the Netherlands and Denmark.
To declare to Belgium that we, in alliance with France and Russia, guarantee its independence and will come to the rescue in case of an attempt on neutrality. Notify Brussels that we will not stop at the necessary and most effective military measures. But the Belgian army will go into the field with the armies of Britain and France, and the Belgian government, without delay, will fortify Liège and Namur with sufficient garrisons. Otherwise, we will leave Brussels to its fate.
Give similar guarantees to the Netherlands and Denmark in exchange for their reciprocal and most energetic efforts.
We will help Belgium in the defense of Antwerp, we will feed the fortress and any army near the city. We need a fully open Scheldt; it is possible that we will have to put pressure on Holland with all our might. If Holland closes the Scheldt, Britain will respond by blockading the Rhine.
The significance of the Rhine increases with the course of hostilities: we must prepare and, if necessary, block the river. On the other hand, the Germans will either go through the "Maastricht appendix" in the very first days of the war, or they will not need it at all.
Let me add that I did not like the report of the Admiralty and I am not at all convinced of the wisdom of a tight blockade. In my opinion, if the French send cruisers to Mogador or Safi, we (in turn) need to redeploy the main body of the fleet to the north of Scotland, to a wartime base. England's interests are not in Morocco, but in Europe. We could send a couple of our ships with the French, but the redeployment of the fleet would be just as—if not more—expressive.
Let me know when you are in London and be so kind as to bring this letter to the Prime Minister.
The peace lasted another three years, but my views did not change. Against:
events of three prewar years affirmed and strengthened me in my own rightness. It fell to me personally to carry out some of the proposals: cancel the close blockade plan and redeploy the fleet to a wartime base. In other cases - for example, the defense of Antwerp - I did not have enough power to take timely and necessary measures. But I tried my best - not out of stupid folly, as is often claimed; I studied the subject, thought, formed a system of views and followed them. The course of a terrible and unprecedented time of social upheaval confirmed my conclusions, one by one, and I was strengthened in confidence. I did not have the slightest doubt what and how - down to the smallest detail - should be taken, it was only difficult to convince and induce others to the right action.
Contrary to fears, the crisis ended peacefully. Germany received a diplomatic rebuff. Another attack by Germany against the whole of Europe. Another attack of the Germans on France. The Continent had lived in apprehension for many years, now the anxieties had reached Britain, and for the first time our statesmen sensed the imminence of war. The French offered concessions and compensation. Intricate negotiations over German and French borders in West Africa, especially the Cameroonian "Duck's Beak", ended in an agreement between the parties. We thought that France had gained significant benefits. But Paris showed no delight. Caio led the country through the anxieties of Agadir, but was dismissed for reasons unknown at the time: further events shed light. Apparently, a huge scandal erupted in German government circles.
The Secretary of State for the Colonies, von Lindeqvist, preferred the resignation of signing the agreement. The Kaiser lived on the move, he stayed in one or another palace, subjects crowded around the throne, and a sharp and thick spirit of humiliation and resentment hovered over the collections of brilliant uniforms. The crown prince became the spokesman for the angry aspirations. The world has unleashed countless curses on this unfortunate being.
But, in essence, the crown prince was no better and no worse than any of the young cavalry subalterns of average merit:
he did not go through the usual crucible of a private school, nor was he tempered by concern for his livelihood. The heir to the throne was distinguished by an attractive appearance, generously bestowed attention on the beautiful - in most cases - sex, although at the end of his days he turned to the seduction of the youthful population of Wieringen. His narrow-minded head went round from the burning eyes and booming speeches of famous captains, statesmen and party leaders. The prince rushed headlong into the powerful and kind to him current of public sentiment and gained authority - or rather, became the banner of influential forces that the Kaiser himself had to reckon with. Germany went to a new round of military and naval preparations.
“The matter,” writes Tirpitz (p. 191), “was as follows: coolly, without succumbing to provocations, continue military construction on a huge scale, calmly work on the assertion of Germany on the seas (4) and force the British to let us breathe freely.” Just breathe freely! What monstrous weapons the Germans needed for the simplest respiratory act!
Let's see how the Agadir crisis responded in France.
General Michel served as vice-president of the Supreme War Council and, with the outbreak of war, became commander-in-chief of the French armed forces. Early in 1911, the general presented a report on the campaign plan. He had no doubt that Germany would strike through Belgium and not be limited to the southern coast of the Belgian Meuse, but significantly - up to Brussels and Antwerp - would expand the area of operations. Michel argued that the German General Staff would immediately bring into action twenty-one regular army corps, along with the lion's share of reserve troops: the Germans, as it was known, expected to receive twenty-one additional corps from general mobilization.
Thus, France must prepare for an extensive enveloping movement of the enemy through Belgium and a meeting with most of the enemy's troops at the very beginning of the war. The general concluded that the scale of such an invasion required the preparation and use of as many French reserves as possible in the very first coming battles. Michel suggested organizing a territorial subdivision for each personnel unit and withdrawing regular and reserve troops into the field together, under the command of professional officers.
The general's proposal would have made it possible, even before the start of mobilization, to raise the size of the French army from 1,300,000 to 2,000,000 and to meet the advancing Germans with at least equal forces. Many French corps increased to 70,000 men, most of the regiments grew into six-battalion brigades.
Further, General Michel indicated how to distribute these troops. The bulk, about 500,000 soldiers, gathered between Lille and Aven to strike at the main forces of the German bypass movement. The second group, numbering 200,000 bayonets, was exhibited to the right of the first, between Irson and Rethel. The garrison of Paris - 220,000 fighters - served, at the same time, as a general reserve. Other troops stood along the eastern borders. This is how a leading French officer saw the campaign plan in 1911.
The general's ideas ran counter to the mainstream of French military thought. The General Staff did not believe in a German attack passing through Belgium and completely denied the passage of the enemy through northern Belgium. The General Staff did not believe that Germany was using reserve units in the opening. The General Staff did not believe in the ability of the reservists to fight without long-term training. The French main headquarters thought the opposite: Germany would launch a swift attack with one cadre army, the enemy should be met on the eastern borders and repelled with a counterattack. Consequently, it is necessary to accumulate as many active service soldiers as possible with a minimum number of reservists; hence the conclusion - the law on three-year military service, the General Staff demanded it, intending to at least double the contingent of young soldiers. The military elite of France devoutly, without exception and contrary to their leader, believed in the offensive doctrine - Colonel Grandmaison was its prophet - and sincerely hoped to wrest victory from the enemy with a furious and passionate attack at the very beginning of the campaign.
General Michel fell victim to his own dissent. It is possible that Michel's personal characteristics contrasted with the depth and insightful truth of his ideas. This happens and often blinds people's eyes. The general was opposed by the overwhelming majority of the Supreme Military Council. Agadir led to a denouement. The new Minister of Defense, Messimi, insisted that the entire Council discuss Michel's concept. All, with a few exceptions, the military leaders showed complete disagreement, the dissident was left alone. The Minister of Defense summed up and, a few days later, informed Michel that he did not enjoy the confidence of the French army. On July 23, the Vice President of the Supreme Military Council resigned.
The government intended to replace Michel with Poe or Gallieni, but Poe wanted to work with a body of senior officers unacceptable to the minister. The nomination was not approved, an excuse was found in the advanced age of the candidate, but the evasion hit Gallieni in a big way - he was older than Poe. Under the circumstances, the choice fell on Joffre.
Joffre, a military engineer, earned a reputation as a reasonable, calm and firm officer in Madagascar - he served there in various positions, under the command of Gallieni
And in Morocco. 1911 brought him the position of Vice President of the Supreme Military Council.
A heavy-thinking general, a phlegmatic, broad-shouldered, big-headed bucolic character: the Briton imagines the typical Frenchman quite differently, it is hard to find a lesser resemblance. And, equally, the worst choice: Joffre, at first glance, was not at all capable of weaving and unraveling the intricate and vast web of modern warfare.
Junior on the Council. Never commanded an army, never commanded large masses of troops, even in war games. In such circumstances, Joffre was assigned the role of Inspector General of Communications and, in the event of mobilization, he was to take this particular post.
The general accepted the highest appointment in fear and confusion - laudable and natural feelings. But the candidate's reluctance was overcome: Joffre was assured that a special assistant would be at his service, General Castelnaud, an officer who was very knowledgeable in large-scale military operations, plans and theories of the French General Staff.
Joffre received power as the nominee of the majority in the main headquarters, as a supporter of the prevailing dogmas. He remained firm in faith; his appointment sealed the fate of France and, three years later, led the country to immeasurable misfortunes.
At the same time, the personal qualities of the general turned out to be a valuable asset for pre-war France, with its fleeting flashing of numerous governments. He became the epitome of "stability" in the tide of change and the epitome of "impartiality" among the warring factions. He was a "good Republican" with clear political convictions, but not a party fighter or a schemer. No one, to any extent, could suspect the general of biased religiosity, as well as encouraging atheists at the expense of the Catholic part of the generals. France went to Armageddon in a medley of political foam, fumes, verbiage and, by any measure, the opportunity to find support in something permanent came at the right time. For almost three years, under various cabinets, Joffre remained in office, and we know for certain that the ministers who flashed on the scene before the storm almost always used his help in technical matters. He worked with Cayo and Messimy, he served under Poincaré and Millerand, he was under Briand and Etienne; under Viviani, with the same Messimi, his career collapsed.
Finally, back to Britain.
In October Asquith invited me to visit Scotland. The next day after our arrival, we were returning home from the golf course. Quite unexpectedly, the Prime Minister asked if I would consider it possible to transfer to the Admiralty? I was already offered this post - the same Asquith, at the beginning of his first premiership. This time I did not hesitate to answer. I couldn't think of anything but a military threat. I was ready. I answered: "Yes!" By the next day Haldane was expected, and Asquith suggested that the three of us talk at length. But I knew that the Prime Minister had already made his decision. Two battleships, two distant silhouettes in the light of the fading evening slowly walked out of the Firth of Forth.
They seemed to come out to meet me.
In the evening, going to bed, I noticed a large Bible on the table in the bedroom. I was overwhelmed with news: a new position, other tasks. I was worried about Britain - peace-loving, frivolous, unprepared, I thought about the strength and courage of my country, about our common sense, about the habit of fair play. I thought about the greatness of Germany, about the magnificent crown of the empire, about the deep roots of the cold, stubborn, implacable, calculating German mind. I remembered the maneuvers of 1907 in Breslau, the German army corps - they walked past me, the ranks of the brave, wave after wave; the surroundings of Würzburg, 1910, rose in memory - thousands of strong horses drag guns and huge howitzers along the slopes and roads. I thought about German enlightenment, meticulousness, success in the natural sciences, achievements in philosophy. Germany had refined its strength in swift, successful wars, and the list of them was memorable. I randomly opened the Book - Deuteronomy, the ninth chapter.
1. Hear, Israel: now you are going beyond the Jordan to go and take possession of peoples that are bigger and stronger than you, big cities, with fortifications up to heaven,
2. A great people, numerous and tall, the sons of Anak, about whom you know and heard: “Who can stand against the sons of Anak?”
3. Know now that the Lord your God goes before you like a consuming fire; He will destroy them and bring them down before you, and you will drive them out and destroy them quickly, as the Lord told you.
4. When the Lord your God drives them out from before you, do not say in your heart that because of my righteousness the Lord has brought me to possess this good land, and that because of the wickedness of these peoples the Lord is driving them out from before your face;
5. It is not for your righteousness and not for the uprightness of your heart that you go to inherit their land, but because of the wickedness and iniquity of these peoples, the Lord your God drives them out from before you, and in order to fulfill the word by which the Lord swore to your fathers Abraham, Isaac and Jacob;
“Leave doubts” – that is how I understood the Word.
– – –
The changing of the guard took place strictly according to the charter. In the morning, I received McKenna at the Ministry of the Interior and introduced me to new colleagues; after dinner, we headed to the Admiralty. McKenna introduced me to board members, department heads, key staff members, and took his leave. He did not show his feelings in a single hint, but I knew how hard this change was for him. We said goodbye; I called the first, formal meeting of the council.
The secretary read the patent and I - in the words of the royal decree - assumed "responsibility to the crown and parliament for all the activities of the Admiralty."
Works began that swallowed up four years without a trace, the most significant days of my life came.
I came to give a new direction to the most important naval affairs and immediately set to work. First: to change the military plans of the fleet - at that time, they proceeded from the idea of a close blockade. Second: to strengthen the naval forces of constant readiness, to give them proper organization. Third: to prepare the fleet in every possible way to repel a surprise attack, the enemy must not take us by surprise. Fourth: Establish a naval headquarters.
Fifth:
coordinate the military plans of the fleet and the army, establish the closest cooperation between the two departments. Sixth: engineering developments, to increase the gun power of ships of all classes. Seventh: personnel changes in the high command of the fleet and the council of the Admiralty.
Additionally, in order to "sleep well", I gave a few personal orders. The protection of warehouses of naval property was entirely transferred under the direct control of the Admiralty. Naval officers, along with clerks living at the ministry, switched to round-the-clock work; in the Admiralty or nearby, one of the sea lords was constantly on duty. Now, at any hour of the day or night, on working, holidays and vacation days, the officer, without wasting time, could convey an alarming message to the sea lord. I got a case with a large map of the North Sea behind the sliding doors and hung it on the wall of the office, behind the table. Every day, the duty officer marked on the map the current disposition of the German fleet. I entered the office and always began work by studying the map. The flags were put up daily, rigorously, right up to the very beginning of the war, then other huge cards went into action, covering the entire wall of the operational center.
Information came to me through many, varied channels; I did not look for news on my map, but the duty officer's flags kept me and my colleagues feeling constantly anxious. It was this feeling that drove us in those days.
The time has come to introduce the reader to the great admirals of the fleet: Lord Fisher and Sir Arthur Wilson. The vigilant labors and outstanding abilities of the two admirals, work on the seas and in the Admiralty, their deeds, combined and interacting with the energy and patriotism of Lord Charles Beresford, to a large extent created our pre-war fleet. Fischer and Wilson play the leading roles in our history, and the reader will find their names on many pages of this book.
For more than ten years, Fisher has been strengthening, building up, modernizing the fleet, implementing innovations of paramount importance. Water-tube boiler, dreadnought, submarines (“Fischer’s toys” as Beresford called them), a unified training scheme, teams of the minimum composition on reserve ships, then - in the face of the German threat - the concentration of the fleet in home waters, the scrapping of a huge number of low-value units , significant maritime programs 1908 and 1909, the transition from 12 inch guns to 13.5 inch guns - all this is Fisher!
The admiral followed the path of far-reaching changes and amassed fierce opponents:
Fischer's methods, the subject of his pride, hardened and embittered the antagonists. Fischer reciprocated and was quick to reprisal. He did not hide and even proclaimed that the shrews of any rank would be in the ashes of their careers. "The wives of traitors - that is, officers who encroached on Fisher's affairs openly or surreptitiously - will be widowed, children will become orphans, the house will become a dunghill." The admiral repeated this over and over. Words never left his tongue: “mercilessly, adamantly, ruthlessly” and the word did not disagree with the deed
- many admirals and captains gnawed their elbows on the shore as a warning to others.
Fischer did not hesitate to express his course in the most dissonant terms, he seemed to tease and, at the same time, ignored enemies and critics. Here's an example: Fisher writes in the logbook of the Dartmoor Naval War College: "The secret of efficiency is in favoritism." He considered “favoritism” the selection not by rank, but by talent, in the interests of society, but the word itself hit backhand. The officers were to remain in Fisher's fishpond - and woe to the dissenters. The admiral responded with streams of contempt to the opinions and arguments of the opposition, scolded the disobedient in print and verbally, frankly and constantly.
But His Majesty's fleet consisted of many officers with independent views and weight in society: many of them opposed Fisher. They were members of Parliament and had access to the press. The views of some of Fisher's enemies - but not all of their methods
- found a response in a significant mass of experienced and worthy naval commanders.
The opposition was led by Charles Beresford; at the time, he commanded the main naval force, the Channel Fleet. The fleet was split in the most deplorable way, and the rift went through every squadron, through every ship. The sailors were divided into supporters of Fisher and adherents of Beresford. Everything that came from the first sea lord was rejected from the threshold by the commander in chief, captains and fleet commanders were incited to take one side or another. They argued about technology, got personal. Neither side had the strength to crush the enemy. The Admiralty brought in spies in the fleet, the fleet - spies in the Admiralty: the parties knew perfectly well about all the movements of the enemy camp. Events took a bad turn and could well have brought down military discipline, if not for the third, most numerous party - the sailors, who categorically and selflessly rejected the factional fight. Passions raged around, but they did their job, calmly and unfailingly. We are indebted to them.
Nine times out of ten, Fischer fought for what was right. Great reforms brought the fleet out of its deepest decline. Fisher gave the sailors a shake-up: the army was equally shaken up by the South African war. The long, unclouded time of unquestioned complacency was over, the country heard distant thunder peals, and it was Fischer who issued a storm warning and called a general rally. He forced each department to come with a report: what are you doing, are you smoking the sky in vain? He shook the naval departments, beat them up, pulled them out of their slumber, forced them to active work, but serving in the navy in the days of Fisher's reforms was not very pleasant. Nelson bequeathed to the sailors to live in a community, a fraternal community, such was the custom, but the tradition is only temporary! - stopped: the leaders, in furious discord, sowed discord, and the fleet reaped plentiful, poisonous shoots of factional intrigues.
I asked myself if there was another way, if Fischer's reforms were possible without his methods, and I came to the conclusion: the admiral was maddened by difficulties, obstructions and hardened in a hard struggle for every step.
At the helm of a huge fighting mechanism should be two:
professional and politician. Significant affairs in the fleet are impossible without the help of the minister:
no one but a politician can support and protect the resolute first lord.
The authority of the sailor is combined with the weight of the minister, and each of them more than doubles the strength of the alliance. Active associates render each other the greatest services. Consensual work multiplies possibilities. The union of forces leaves no room for intriguers. A solidarity decision may turn out to be good or bad, but it becomes binding on the entire maritime service.
Alas, the works of Fisher fell on the time of two hopelessly and even mortally ill first lords. From 1904 to 1908, Lord Codor and Lord Tweedmouth were at the head of the Admiralty: irreproachably honest and highly competent public figures but very unhealthy people. Moreover, not one of them was in the House of Commons and failed to propose to the responsible deputies that the undeniably formulated program of the Admiralty be voted on. The situation changed in 1908, with the arrival of Mackenna in the Admiralty. The new Minister of Marine was distinguished by resolute courage, enviable clarity of mind, had a solid weight in the House of Commons and was appointed at a happy age of magnificent flowering of strength and ability. McKenna calmed the passions immediately. But Fischer's hour has already struck. The goddesses of vengeance, the Furies, were hot on his heels.
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The description of the events by von Tirpitz is very revealing: “According to his (von Kiderlen-Wächter) proposal, on July 1, 1911, the chancellor sent the Panther gunboat to the Moroccan port of Agadir. The British government's request went unanswered for many weeks. As a result, on July 21, Lloyd George issued a government warning: if Germany defied France, then the forces of Britain would be on the side of the latter.
The war plan of 1909 - at that time Fischer was the first sea lord - provided for a close blockade of German ports. Arthur Wilson took into account the new situation and changed the plan, but kept it a complete secret.
Later that morning, I found out that Fischer was in the Admiralty, invited the admiral into the office, told him everything, and was delighted to see Fischer's full pleasure. From time to time, the most foolish allegations are attributed to Fisher's advice to relocate the fleet to the north. The admiral cited our conversation in his book and rightly noted the time of the conversation - July 30: the fleet passed the Pas de Calais the previous night, this is an undoubted fact. Prior to the declaration of war, my only adviser in all maritime activities was the First Sea Lord. I consider it necessary to record this in the chronicles.
At the Battle of the Falklands, two British battlecruisers with 12-inch guns used up about two-thirds of their shells to sink only a couple of weaker rivals with 8.8-inch guns. A lone "Goeben" would have to sink four opponents using an 11-inch caliber against a 9.2-inch one.
The fourth division (fifth in order of loading onto ships) managed to get to the battlefield by the beginning of the battle of Le Cateau.
- The defeat of September 22, - writes Mr. Gibson Bowles - the loss of the Abukir, Cressy and Hog, the death of 1,459 officers and sailors happened despite the warnings of the admirals, commodores and captains: Mr. Churchill rejected the recall of the patrol until the last minute and, therefore thereby doomed the sailors to inevitable death from torpedoes of any enterprising enemy.
At the start of the war, all the great powers - Germany, France and Britain - formed naval brigades; it is possible that their use during the siege and defense of Antwerp is associated with an unconscious understanding of the inseparable connection between the city and the sea.
The heavy losses of the 7th division are often attributed to the time of the battles for Antwerp. In fact, the division did not suffer serious damage until the very connection with the main forces.
At this point, the reader will definitely need a map on page 185, which shows exactly this plan.
It must be clarified that in those days, wireless communication with destroyers and, especially, submarines was not as perfect as it is today. The radiograms were relayed by the Firedrake; in the morning he positioned himself halfway between the submarines and Harwich. In the afternoon, after the order to move the submarines to the bay, the Firedrake was late to connect with Keyes, and communication was interrupted for a while.
The operation is painted to the minute and illustrated with excellent maps in the official British history of the war, this is material for those interested in the special side of the matter. But the full story is complicated enough that the reader may not see the forest for the trees. I tried to isolate the main thing. U.S.Ch.
Sir John Jellicoe in The Grand Fleet falsely attributes this idea to me. I never advocated such a plan, but only offered the opinion of Arthur Wilson for discussion by the commander and his officers.
I happened to make a personal acquaintance with each of them: with Enver, on maneuvers in Germany (1910), with Talaat and Javid in 1909 - the latter received me and Lord Birkenhead during a visit to Constantinople.
The Dresden and two auxiliary cruisers had only a few weeks to live and spent them in complete inactivity.
In the future, Sir Maurice Hankey, at that time (from 1912) Secretary of the Imperial Defense Committee, from November 1914 Secretary of the Military Council.
We trusted Vice Admiral Sir Lewis Bailey not in vain. It is well known that in the subsequent war years he fully justified his highest qualities.
The commander of the fleets, Commodore Turwitt, was called in the maritime dialect Commodore of the Torpedo Forces, or, in short, "Commodore (T)". Similarly, the commander of the submarine forces was called "captain ( S )».
The telegram is reprinted in Filson Young's work on this battle, With the Battlecruisers, page 174.
This episode - in its main part - is taken from the official history of the war. I have made some corrections and additions taken from direct evidence, in particular from the work of Commander Filson Young: he saw the battle from the Lion's For-Mars.
The naval bombardment destroyed only three of Sedd el Bar's ten heavy guns. Seven out of ten cannons of Kum-Kale were found intact. The landing party entered Fort Orcaniye and made sure that both guns were disabled. The subversive parties destroyed six modern howitzers and several smaller guns on a hill east of Sedd el Bar.
The cause of the death of the Bouvet remains in doubt: a mine explosion, or a shell that fell into the gun magazine. The battleship walked through a new minefield and, according to the Turks, died in a mine.
Commodore Keyes, later Vice-Admiral Sir Roger Keyes, commander of the Dover Patrol and leader of the raid against Zeebrugge.
We never doubted that our vessels would continue to bravely go to sea and decided to use the time-tested naval trick in the hope of disorienting enemy submariners. At the same time, we foresaw that the inevitable consequences of the German declaration - the misfortune of neutral ships - would offend and even implicate the United States; in any case, the incidents with the neutrals helped us lock Germany tighter. The American government put serious pressure on Britain in the hope of softening the conditions of the naval blockade: the German threat to the ships of neutral countries strengthened us in a dispute with the United States with a weighty set of practical arguments. After a long, many days and comprehensive discussion in the Admiralty, I announced that henceforth and every week we would publish the number of merchants sunk by German submarines, together with the total number of ships that passed through the harbors of Britain.
General James Wolf, fell in battle with the French in the Abraham Valley, Canada, English siege of Quebec (1759). Won Canada for England. - pr. per.
This figure and other, similar data include daily losses in trench warfare on quiet fronts. I did not find separate information on active and quiet sections in the official statistics. It is possible that the generally accepted rule of one-eighth is suitable for such cases.
Zentral Nachweiseamt . The same figure is from the French military historian, Lieutenant Colonel Korda, La Guerre Mondiale , p. 413.
Each of the figures of losses can be reduced by one-eighth - the damage suffered on the calm sections of the front of each of the parties in any specified period.
If we add to the German losses the damage suffered on the Russian and other fronts, that is, 1,697,000 people, the total losses will be 7,080,000, including 2,000,000 deaths.
A small fraction, perhaps about 2 per cent, can be subtracted from the total English casualties in each period to more accurately account - as is done in the German records - the lightly wounded remaining in the ranks.
The figures include the sick who have recovered, the wounded who have been cured, and people taken from industry.
We like to quote Churchill's never uttered phrases about Stalin.
Compare them with the words he actually wrote about the Russian Empire and its last emperor:
“According to the superficial judgments characteristic of our time, the tsarist regime is usually considered a short-sighted, rotten and incapable of anything tyranny. But a study of the last thirty months of the war should correct these superficial impressions and expose the main facts. We can measure the strength of the Russian Empire by blows which she has endured, by the disasters she has endured, by the inexhaustible strength which she has been able to develop, and by the restoration of her own strength.In the governments of states where great events take place, the leaders of nations, whoever they may be, are responsible for the failures and It doesn't matter who did the hard work, who planned the battles, the supreme responsible authority is both reproached and praised for the result.
Why is Nicholas II denied this ordeal? He made many mistakes, but which of the rulers did not make them? He was neither a great general nor an outstanding ruler. He was just simple and sincere person of average ability, gentle disposition, who in his daily life always followed his faith in God. However, the burden of making the most important decisions lay with him. At the highest level, where the solution of problems is reduced to simple "Yes" and "No", where events transcend the limits of human understanding, where everything is incomprehensible, it was he who had to be given the answers. He acted as a compass needle. To fight or not to fight? Advance or retreat? Right or left? Agree to democratization or hold firm? Walk away or be resilient. Here are the battlefields of Nicholas II. Why not give him credit for this?
The selfless offensive of the Russian troops that saved Paris in 1914, overcoming the painful retreat without weapons, the slow recovery of strength, the victories of Brusilov, the entry of an invincible and stronger Russia into the campaign of 1917. Wasn't there even a share of his merit in this? Despite huge and terrible mistakes, the regime that he personified, at the head of which he stood and to which he gave a vital spark by his personal character, had by this moment won the war for Russia.
The king abdicates the throne. His efforts are downplayed; his deeds are condemned. But then stop and tell us: who else was capable of this? Who else could rule Russia? There was no shortage of talented and courageous people, ambitious and proud in spirit, courageous and powerful people. But no one was able to answer a few simple questions on which the life and glory of Russia depended. With victory already in her hands, she fell.
But her heroic deeds were not in vain. Struck to death, the dying giant managed to pass the baton from the East across the ocean to a new titan, who had long been tormented by doubts and who now got up and began to prepare for battle. The Russian Empire fell on March 16, and the United States of America entered the war on April 6.
World crisis 1911 - 1918. Abridged and revised edition with an additional chapter on the battle of the Marne. Author's translation of Crusoe (crusoe.livejournal.ru), 2005−2010, from The World Crisis, 1911−1918 (Paperback) by Winston Churchill (Author), Martin Gilbert (Introduction). Free Press, Published by Simon & Shuster New York. URL:
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OH PDOP ZPUHDBTUFCHP OE CHUFHRBMP CH NYTPCHHA CHPKOH U FBLPK PIPFPK, LBL fHTGIS. h 1914 Z. pFFPNBOULBS YNRETYS HCE HNYTBMB. yFBMYS, RPMShKHSUSH UCHPYN RTEPVMBDBOYEN ABOUT NPTE, BBOSMB Y BOOELUYTPCHBMB Ch 1909 Z. fTYRPMY. PE CHOHFTEOOYI PVMBUFSI LFPK RTPCHYOGYY EEE RTPDPMTSBMBUSH YTTEZHMSTOBS CHPKOB, LPZDB CH 1912 P BCCHPECHBFEMS Y RTYFEUOYFEMS. RP MPODPOULPNH DPZPCHPTH, RPVETSDEOOOBS fHTEGLBS YNRETHYS HUFHRYMB YN CHBTSOSCHE RPTCHYOGYY NOPZYE PUFTCHB, B TBDEM LFPK DPVSHCHYUY RPUMHTSYM RPCHPDPN DMS LTPCHPRTPMYFOPC CHPKO SC NETSDH UBNY VBMLBOULYNY RPVEDFEMSN. OP CH CHETPREKULPK FHTGY EEE PUFBCHBMBUSH VPZBFBS DPVSCHYUB, ABOUT LPFPTKHA RTEFEODPCHBMY THNSCHOYS, VPMZBTYS, UETVYS Y zTEGIS. UBNSCHN MBLPNSCHN LHULPN VSCHM lPOUFBOFYOPRPMSh ZMBCHOSCHK PVYAELF OBRBDEOYS. OP IPFS fHTEGLPK YNRETYY ZTPYMY VPMSHYYE PRBUOPUFY PF NUFYFEMSHOPUFY Y FEEUMBCHYS VBMLBOULYI ZPUHDBTUFCH, VPSOSH RETED tPUUYEK DPNYOYTPCHBMB OBD Chuen. tPUUYS UPRTYLBUBMBUSH U FHTGEK ABOUT UKHY Y ABOUT NPTE RP DMYOOPC FSHCHUSYUENIMSHOPK ZTBOYGE, RTPUFYTBCHYEKUS PF ЪBRBDOSHCHI VETEZPCH yuETOPZP NPTS DP lBURYKULPZP NPTS. BOZMYS, JTBOGYS Y yFBMYS (UBTDYOYS) PE CHTENS LTSCHNULPK CHPKOSHCH, Y NPZHEUFCHEOOOBS DYTBMECHULBS BOZMYS PE CHTENS THUULP-FKhTEGLPK CHPKOSHCH (1878 Z.) URBUMY FKHTEGLHA Y NRETYA PF ZYVEMY Y lPOUFBOFYOPPMSH PF IBCHPECHBOYS. IPFS DP FPZP, LBL VBMLBOULYE UPAYOYLY RPUUPTYMYUSH NETsDH UPVPK, VPMZBTULBS BTNYS, DCHYZBSUSH U BRBDB, DPYMB DP UBNSCHI CHPTPF lPOUFBOFYOPRPMS, PRBUOPUFSH, ZTPY CHYBS U UCHETB, CH ZMBBI FHTPL RETECHEYCHBMB CHUE PUFBMSHOPE.
l LFPNH RTYVBCHMSMBUSH EEE OEOBCHYUFSH L fKhTGYY BTVBVPCH, OBUEMSCHYYI KENEO, ZEDTSBU, rBMEUFYOH, UYTYA, nPUUHM Y yTBL. obuemeoye lHTDYUFBOB Y BTNSOULYK OBTPD, TBVTPUBOOSCHK RP CHUEK fHTEGLPK YNRETYY, FBLCE VSHCHMY CHTBTSDEVOSHCH FHTTLBN. CHUE OBTPDSCH Y RMNEOB, LPFPTSHCHE CH FEYUEOYE 500 YMYY 600 MEF CHEMY CHPKOSHCH U FHTEGLPK YNRETYEK YMY VSHMY RPLPTEOSHCH EA, U VENETOPK OEOBCHYUFSHHA Y TSBDOPUFSHHA UNPFTEMY FERETSH OB HNY TBAEHA YNRETYA, RTYUOYOYCHYHA YN UFPMSHL UFTBDBOIK. yubu CHPNEEDYS Y CHPULTEYOYS RTPVYM. edYOUFCHEOOOSCHK CHPRTPU BLMAYUBMUS CH FPN, OBULPMSHLP UNPZHF PFFSOHFSH NYOHFH PLPOYUBFEMSHOPZP TBUYUEFB RTPYULY ECHTPREKULPK Y PUPVEOOP BOZMYKULPK DYRMPNBFYY. oENYOKHENPE LTKHYOYE fKhTEGLPK YNRETYY, RPDPVOP RTPZTEUUYTHAEENKH HRBDLH bCHUFTYKULPK YNRETYY, LPFPTPZP OE NPZMY RTEDPFCTBFYFSH OILBLIE YuEMPCHEYUEULYE UYMSCH, ZTP OYMP RPFTSUFY CHUE PUOPCHBOYS CHPUFPYuOPK Y AZP-CHPUFPYuOPK ECHTPRSHCH. ABOUT CHEUSH YUBUFOSHK Y ZPUHDBTUFCHEOOSHK VSHCHF 120 NMO. MADEK OBDCHYZBMBUSH RETENEOB PZTPNOBS, OEYUYUYUMYNBS RP UCHPYN RPUMEDUFCHYSN, OP OEPFCHTBFYNBS Y VMYELBS.
yNEOOP CH FFPF NPNEOF Y RTY FBLPK PVUFBOPCLE ZETNBOYS VTPUYMB UCHPA BTNYA ABOUT JTBOGYA, Y CHUE RTPUYE UUPTSCH PFUFHRIMY ABOUT BDOYK RMBO RETED LFPK CHEMYLPK VPTShVPK. uFP DPMTSOP VSHMP UMHYUYFSHUS ChP CHTENS LFPZP ENMEFTSUEOIS U TBUUSCHRBAEEKUS, PDTSIMECHYEK, OIEEK fHTGEEK?
fHTGYS RPMHYUYMB FBLYE RTEMPTSEOIS, LPFPTSCHE, RP NOEOOYA CHEMYLPVTYFBOY, VSCHMY OBYVPMEE CHSHZPDOSHNYY Y CHUEI, LPZDB-MYVP DEMBCHYIUS LBLPNKh VSC FP OY VSCHMP RTBCHYFEMSHUVCHKH . bB UPITBOEOYE OEKFTBMYFEFB FHTGIY PVEEBMY ZBTBOFYTPCHBFSH BVUPMAFOHA OERTYLPUOPCHEOOPUFSH CHUEI HER CHMBDEOYK. yFB ZBTBOFIS DBCHBMBUSH EK OE FPMSHLP EE UFBTSHNY DTKHSHSNNY, JTBOGYEK Y CHEMYLPVTYFBOYEK, OP Y HER CHTBZPN tPUUYEK. zBTBOFYS JTBOGYY Y BOZMYY PITBOSMB VSC FHTGYA PF RPLHYOEOYK VBMLBOULYI ZPUHDBTUFCH, CH PUPVEOOPUFY zTEGYY, ZBTBOFIS tPUUYY ABOUT OEPRTEDEMEOOPE CHTENS PFUTPYUYCHBMB HZTPYH UCH ETB. ChMYSOIE vTYFBOY NPZMP HURPLPIYFSH Y ChP CHUSLPN UMHYUBE PFMPTSYFSH CHPUUFBOYE BTVBVCH, LPFPTPE OBYUBMPUSH HCE DBCHOP. OYLPZDB, DKHNBMY UPAYOYLY, VPMEE CHSCHZPDOPZP RTEDMPTSEOIS OE DEMBMPUSH VPMEE UMBVPNKH Y VPMEE HZTPTSBAEENKh ZPUHDBTUFCHH.
VSCHMB Y DTHZBS UFPTPOB NEDBMY. h TBCHBMYCHBCHYENUS DDBOY FHTEGLPK YNRETYY, RPD CHOEYOYN RPLTPCHPN RPMYFYUEULYI UPVSCHFIK, DEKUFCHPCHBMY TSEUFPLIE Y UPOBFEMSHOSHCHE UYMSCH MADEK Y IDEK. rPTBTSEOIS, RPOEUEOOSHCH FHTGEK ChP CHTENS RETCHPK VBMLBOULPK CHPKOSHCH, TBPTSZMY UTEDY FFYI LMNEOPHR FEBFEMSHOP ULTSCHCHBENSCHK, NEDMEOOOSCHK, OP DP UFTBOOPUFY STLYK PZPOSH, LPFPTSCHK OE BNEYUBMP OH PDOP Y TBURPMPTSOOOSCHI ABOUT VPUZHPTE RPUPMSHUFCH, b YULMAYUEOYEN PDOPZP. “ch FFP CHTENS (CH ZPDSH OERPUTEDUFCHEOOP RTEDEYUFCHPCHBCHYE CHEMILPK CHPKOE), RYUBM CHEUSHNB PUCHEDPNMEOOSHCHK FHTPL CH 1915 Z., CHUS VHDHEOPUFSH FKhTEGLPZP OBTPDB DP NEMSHYUBKYI DEFB MEK YIKHYUBMBUSH LPNYFEFBNY RBFTYPPFCH" {70} .
RBO-FKhTEGLYK LPNYFEF UYUYFBM, UFP BOZMP-THUULBS LPOCHEOGYS 1907 HTGYA, Y DETTSBCHPK, LPFPTBS VSCHMB YULPOOSCHN Y OEHFPMINSCHN CHTBZPN fKhTEGLPK YNRETYY. rPFPNKH POY YULBMY UEVE OPCHSHI UPAOYELPCH CH FPC CHEMYLPK ECHTPREKULPK CHPKOE, LPFPTBS RP YI HVETSDEOYA OBDCHYZBMBUSH. rMBO YI, LBBCHYYKUS CH 1912 Z. ZHBOFBUFYUEULYN, YUIPDYM YЪ FPZP, UFP OEEPVIPDYNP TEPTZBOJPCHBFSH fKhTGYA OB PUOPCHE YUYUFP FKhTEGLYI LMENEOFPCH, F.E. At RPNPESH BOBFPMYKULPZP FKhTEGLPZP LTEUFSHSOUFCHB. h LBYUEUFCHE OBGIPOBMShOPZP YDEBMB LPNYFEF CHSHCHDCHYZBM PVYAEDOOEOYE NHUHMSHNBOULYI TBKPOPC LBCHLB, RETUYDULPK, BETVBKDTsBOULPK RTPCHYOGYY Y THUULYI BLBURYKUL YI RTPCHYOGYK (LFPK VSHCHCHYEK TPDYOSCH FKhTEGLPK TBUSCH) U FHTLBNY bOBFPMYKULPZP RPMHPUFTCHB. zTBOYGSC FHTGYY DPMTSOSCH VSCHMY DPIPDYFSH DP VBUUEKOB lBURYKULPZP NPTS. rTPZTBNNB RTEDHUNBFTYCHBMB PFNEOKH FEPLTBFYUEULPZP HRTBCHMEOYS, TBDYLBMSHOPE YNEOOEOYE CHBYNPPFOPYOYK NETSDH GETLPCHSHHA Y ZPUHDBTUFCHPN, PVTBEEOYE TEMYZYPHOSHCHI YN KHEEUFCH ABOUT OHTSDSCH UCHEFULPZP ZPUHDBTUFCHB Y UHTCHPE PVCDBOIE RTPZHEUUYPOBMSHOPZP DHIPCHEOUFCHB, UPUFBCHMSCHYEZP PUPVSHCHK LMBUU. rTPZTBNNB OBNEYUBMB FBLTS TEYFEMSHOSHE LPOPNYUEULIE, UPGYBMSHOSHCHE Y MYFETBFHTOSHCHE TEZHPTNSCH, LPFPTSHCHE OEDBCHOP VSCHMY CHCHEDEOSCH CH fHTGIY. nHUFBZHB LENBMSh, CH UHEOPUFY, CHSHCHRPMOYM RMBO, LPFPTSCHK VSCHM TBTBVPFBO, NPTSEF VSHCHFSH, RTY EZP HYUBUFYY, EEE 15 MEF FPNKh OBBD. GEOFTBMSHOSHCHN RHOLFPN CHUEI RBO-FKhTEGLYI RMBOCH VSCHMP YURPMSHЪPCHBOYE ZETNBOY DMS YЪVBCHMEOYS FKhTGYY PF THUULPK PRBUOPUFY. NBTYBM ZHPO VYVETYFEKO, NOPZP MEF UPUFPSCHYK ZETNBOULYN RPUMPN CH lPOUFBOFYOPRME, YULKHUOP TBDHCHBM LFP ULTSCHFPE RMBNS.
RBO-FKhTEGLYE RMBOSHCH, NPTsEF VSHCHFSH, FBL Y PUFBMYUSH VSHCH CH PVMBUFY ZTE, EUMY VSHCH CH TPLPCHPK YUBU PE ZMBCHE FKHTGYY OE PLBBMUS YUEMPCHEL DEKUFCHYS. FFPF Yuempchel, LPFPTSHCHK RTEFEODPCHBM OB TPMSh FKhTEGLPZP oBRPMEPOB, YCH TSYMBI LPFPTPZP FELMB LTPCHSH CHPYOB, VMBZPDBTS UCHPEK YULMAYUYFEMSHOPK CHPME, YUEUFPMAVYA Y CHETPMPNUFCHH VSCHM RTEDOBOBBYUEO LBL TB B DMS FPZP, UFPVSCH CHFSOHFSH fKhTEGLHA YNRETYA CH UBNHA UNEMHA BCHBOFATH. OCHET, RPTKHYUL, CHPURYFBOOSCHK CH ZETNBOYY, OP DP ZMHVYOSCH UETDGB RTEDBOOSCHK FKhTEGLPNKh DEMKH, DBM UYZOBM NMBDPFKhTEGLPK TECHPMAGYY 1909 Z. chneufe U ZPTUFPUULPK UCHPYI NMBD PFHTEGLYI DTHEKHEK, CHIPDYCHYI CH LPNYFEF "EDYOEOYS Y RTPZTEUUB", PO UNEMP CHSHUFHRBM RTPFYCH CHUIEI CHTBZHR, YUYUMP LPFPTSCHI OERTETSCHCHOP HCHEMYYUYCHBMPUSH . lPZDB yFBMYS ЪBICHBFYMB fTYRPMY, ochet DTBMUS CH FTYRPMYKULYI RHUFSHCHOSI; LPZDB BTNYY VBMLBOULYI UPAYOLPCH DPYMY DP yUBFBMDTSY, FPMSHLP PYO ochet OE RTYIPDYM CH PFUBSOYE. "bDTYBOPRPMSH, ULBBM BULCHYF, VSHCHCHYK FPZDB RTENSHET-NYOYUFTPN (1912 Z.), OILPZDB OE VKHDEF CHP'CHTBEEO fKhTGYY". OP YETE NEUSG OCCHET CHUFKHRIM H bDTYBOPRPMSH, Y bDTYBOPRPMSH EEE Y RP UEK DEOSH RTYOBDMETSYF fHTGIY. h OBYUBME CHEMYLPK CHPKOSHCH CHUENY FKHTEGLYNY DEMBNY FOURTH M ochet UPCHNEUFOP UP UCHPYN DTHZPN fBMBBFPN Y EZP YULKHUOSCHN Y OERPDLHROSCHN NYOYUFTPN ZHOBOUPCH dTSBCHYDPN. RP PFOPIOYA LOYN UHMFBO Y CHEMYLYK CHYYTSH YZTBMY TPMSh CHEMYLPMEROPZP ZHBUBDB, OP DEKUFCHYFEMSHOPK RTBCHSEEK UYMPK VSCHMY FPMSHLP LFY FTY YuEMPCHELB Y Y YI VMYTSBKYE UFPTPOOILY . PE CHUIEI RTBLFYUEULYI CHSHUFHRMEOYSI THLPCHPDYFEMEN VSHCHM ochet {71} .
fKHTEGLIE CHPTsDY PGEOYCHBMY NPESH tPUUYY CH NYTPCHPK CHPKOE ZPTBDP OYCE, YUEN BRBDOSCHE UPAOYLY GBTS. sing VSHCHMY HVETSDEOSCH, UFP ABOUT UHY RPVEDF ZETNBOULBS LPBMYGYS, UFP tPUUYS VHDEF TBBYFB OBZPMCHKH Y UFP CH OEK OBJUOEFUS TECHPMAGYS. fHTGYS IPFEMB CH NPNEOF ZETNBOULPK RPVESH PVEUREYUYFSH UEVE FETTYFPTYBMSHOSHCHE RTYPVTEFEOYS ABOUT lBCHLBE, UFP PFFSOHMP VSC THUULHA HZTPЪH RP LTBKOEK NO OB OEULPMSHLP RPLP MEOYK. ChP CHTENS DPMZYI RTECHBTYFEMSHOSCHI RETEZPCHPTCH ZETNBOYS PVEEBMB FHTGYY FETTYFPTYBMSHOSHCHE RTYPVTEFEOYS ABOUT lBCHLBE CH UMHYUBE RPVESH GEOPTBMSHOSHCHI DETTSBCH. FP PVEEBOYE PLPOYUBFEMSHOP PRTEDEMYMP FHTEGLHA RPMYFYLH.
RBO-FHTEGLBS RPMYFYLB PE CHUIEI PVMBUFSI FHTEGLPK TSYOYY Y CH ALREADY FETTYFPTYBMSHOSHCHI RTYIPVTEFEOYK UPYEFBMBUSH U TBTBVPFBOOSCHN CHPEOOSHCHN RMBOPN. UPZMBUOP RMBO, X FKhTLY DPMTSOSCH VSHCHMY RPMKHYUYFSH ZPURPDUFCHP ABOUT UETOPN NPTE. h FPF NPNEOF, LPZDB TBTB'YFUS CHEMYLBS CHPKOB, B FKhTLY VSCHMY H FFPN HCHETEOSCH, tPUUYS OBYUOEF UICHBFLH U ZETNBOYEK Y bCHUFTYEK, B FKhTLY FEN CHTENEOEN OBCHPDOSF Y ЪB CHPAAF lBCHLB. uFPVSH PVEUREYUYFSH RTPDCHYTSEOYE BTNYY RP MYOYY fTBREJHOD yETHN OEVPVIPDYNP VSCHMP DETTSBFSH H UCHPYI THLBI NPTULPK RHFSH PF lPOUFBOFYOPRPMS DP ftbrekhodb. rPFPNH fKhTGYS DPMTSOB VSCHMB YNEFSH ZHMPF. CHUEOBTPDOBS RPDRYULB, PFLTSCHFBS CH 1911 Y 1912 ZZ. OE FPMSHLP PE CHUEK BOBFPMYY, OP DBCE PE CHUEI UFTBOBI YUMBNB, DBMB UTEDUFCHB ABOUT RPUFTPKLH CH CHEMYLPVTYFBOY DCHHI FHTEGLYI DTEDOPHFPCH. rTYVSHCHFYE H lPOUFBOFYOPRPMSH IPFS VSC PDOPZP Yb ffyi VTPOEOPUGECH VSCHMP PUOPCHOSCHN ZHBLFPTPN, PF LPFPTPZP BCHYUEM CHEUSH FHTEGLYK CHPEOOSHCHK RMBO. h YAME 1914 Z. UBNSCHN ZMBCHOSCHN CHPRTPPUPN DMS FKhTEGLYI MYDETPCH VSMP: HUREAF MY VTPOEOPUGSCH RTYKFY CHPCHTENS? LPOEYUOP, READ VSCHMP NBMP. RETCHSHCHK FKhTEGLYK DTEDOPHF, "TEYBDYE", BLBOYUYCHBMUS RPUFTPCLPK CH YAME, B CHFPTPK DPMTSEO VSCHM VSHFSH ZPFPH YuETE OEULPMSHLP OEDEMSH. fKHTEGLIE BZEOFSHCH ABOUT THUULPK FETTYFPTYY PLMMP PMSHFY, bTDBZBOB Y lBTUB RTYOYNBMY NETSHCH L FPNH, YUFPVSH NKHHMSHNBOULYE LTEUFSHSOOE, UPUFBCHMSCHYE DEUSH VPMSHYOUFCHP O BUEMEOIS, OBLPRYMY ЪBRBUSCH LHLKHTKHSHCH, DBVSH PVEUREYUYFSH RTPDCHYTSEOYE FHTEGLYI CHPKUL YUETEYUPTBLULHA TBCHOYOKH CH PVIPD THUULPZP FSHMB. 27 YAMS FHTGYS RTEMPTSYMB ZETNBOYY BLMAYUYFSH PVPTPOYFEMSHOP-OBUFHRBFEMSHOSHCHK UPA RTPFICH tPUUYY. rTEDMPTSEOYE LFP VSHMP OENEDMEOOP RTYOSFP ZETNBOYEK Y RPDRYUBOP 2 BCHZHUFB. 31 YAMS VSHCHM YODBO RTYLB P NPVYMYYBGYY FHTEGLPK BTNYY.
OP FHF UMHYUMPUSH OEYUFP OEPTSYDBOOPE. BOZMYS TEYMB PLBBFSH ZETNBOY UPRTPFYCHMEOYE. vTYFBOULYK ZHMPF CHSHCHYEM H NPTE H VPCHPN RPTSDLE. 28 YAMS S TELCHYYTPCHBM PVB FHTEGLYY DTEDOPHFB DMS VTYFBOULPZP LPTPMECHULPZP ZHMPFB. fHTEGLYK FTBOURPTF U 500 FHTEGLYI NBFTPUCH HCE UFPSM ABOUT FBO BODY, ZPFPCHSHCHK RPUBDYFSH LLYRBTS ABOUT VTPOEOPUEG. fHTEGLYK LBRYFBO RPFTEVPCHBM RETEDBYU CHPEOOPZP UHDOB Y HZTPTSBM UYMPK CHPKFY OB OEZP Y RPDOSFSH ABOUT OEN FKhTEGLYK ZHMBZ. h FY UFTBYOSCHE DOY (31 YAMS) RPD UCHPA MYUOKHA PFCHEFUFCHEOOPUFSH S PFDBM RTYLB RTEDHRTEDYFSH RPDPVOSCHK YBZ Y CH UMHYUBE OEPVVIPDYNPUFY RHUFYFSH CH IPD ChPPTKhTSEOOKHA UIMH, YuFPV SC RPNEYBFSH FKhTLBN ЪBICHBFYFSH LPTBVMSH. with UDEMBM FFP YULMAYUYFEMSHOP CH YOFETEUBI VTYFBOULPZP ZHMPFB. dPVBCHMEOYE L VTYFBOULPNH ZHMPPHH DCHHI FHTEGLYI DTEDOPHFPCH LBBMPUSH OBN CHEUSHNB CHBTSOSCHN H GEMSI UPVUFCHEOOOPK VEEPRPBUOPUFY. OH CH BDNYTBMFEKUFCHE, OH, RPULPMSHLKh S OYBA, PE CHUEK BOZMYY OILFP OE OBM P FKHTEGLYI RMBOBI Y P FPK TPMY, LPFPTHA DPMTSOSH VSHCHMY YZTBFSH CH LFYI RPUMEDOYI CHCHUFTPEOO SCHE DTEDOPHFSHCH. OCHEDPNP DMS UBNYI UEVS NSCH UDEMBMY UBNSCHK RTBCHIMSHOSCHK IPD. CHRPUMEDUFCHY OELPFPTSCHE LTHZY RPTYGBMY NEOS b TELCHYYGYA FHTEGLYI UHDPH. ZPCHPTYMY, UFP ZOCH Y TBJPYUBTPCHBOYE, CHSCCHBOOSCHE CH FHTGYY FFYN RPUFHRLPN, PRTPLYOKHMY YUBYCH CHUPCH Y CHSCCHBMY fKHTGYA ABOUT PYASCHMEOYE OBN CHPKOSHCH. OP FERETSH NSCH OBEN, YUEN PVYASUOSMPUSH LFP TBBYUBTPCHBOYE. TELCHYYGYS VTPOEOPUGECH, CHNEUFP FPZP YUFPVSCH UDEMBFSH FKHTGYA CHTBZPN, ECHB OE UDEMBMB HER OBYN UPAOYILPN.
OP DMS FHTPL PUFBCHBMBUSH EEE PDOB OBDETSDB: "ZEVEO", FFPF ZETNBOULYK VSHCHUFTPIPDOSCHK VPECHPK LTECUET, OBIPDYMUS H GBRDOPK YUBUFY UTEDYENOPZP NPTS Y DPMTSEO VSCHM OBRTBCHYFSHUS CH RPM X ABOUT bDTIBFYUEULPE NPTE DMS RETEPVPTHDCHBOYS. pDOPZP LFPZP UHDOB VSCHMP DPUFBFPYuOP DMS FPZP, UFPVSH URTBCHYFSHUS U THUULPK UETOPNPTULPK ULBDTPK. rPYMAF MY OENGSHCH "ZEVEO" CH lPOUFBOFYOPRPMSH? UNPCEF MY "ZEVEO" DPVTBFSHUS FKDB? yNEOOP CH FFPF NPNEOF CH lPOUFBOFYOPRPMSh RTYYMP Y'CHEUFYE P VTYFBOULPN HMSHFYNBFHNE ZETNBOYY, BL LPFPTSCHN OEYYVETSOP DPMTSOP RPUMEDPCHBFSH PYASCHMEOYE CHPKOSHCH. fHTEGLYE TEBMSHOSHCHE RPMYFYLY OILPZDB OE TBUUYUYFSHCHBMY ABOUT FBLPE UPVSCHFIYE. pop UCHETIEOOOP NEOMP CHUA UIFHBGYA CH UTEDYENOPN NPTE. NPZ MY "ZEVEO" HKFY PF NOPZPYUYUMEOOSCHI VTYFBOULYI ZHMPFIMYK, LTECUETULYI ULBDT Y FTEI NPEOSCHI, IPFS YOY UE UFPMSh VSHCHUFTPIPDOSCHI VTYFBOULYI LTECUETCH, LPFPTSHCHE RTEZTBTSD BMY ENH RHFSH L NPTA? lPZDB CHEYUETPN 3 BCHZHUFB ochet Khobm, UFP "zeveoh" RTYLBBOP RTPVTBFSHUS Yuete bdtybfyuyeulpe NPTE Ch rPMH, EZP FTECHPZB OE ЪOBMB ZTBOYG. according to OENEDMEOOP RPUEFYM THUULPZP CHPEOOPZP BFFBYE ZOEETTBMB mePOFSHECHB, Y, PFLBBCHYUSH PF CHUEI UCHPYI RTPYMSHI RMBOHR, CHLMAYUBS Y FPMSHLP UFP RPDRYUBOOPE U ZETNBOYEK UPZ MBIEOYE, RTEDMPTSYM YЪKHNMEOOPNKH ZOEOETBMKH BLMAYUYFSH UPAY NETSDH fHTGEK Y tPUUYEK RTY HUMPCHYY RPMKHYUEOYS fHTGYEK LPNREOUBGYK CH ЪBRBDOPK ZhTBLYY. oEYCHEUFOP, RPOSMMY MY OENGSCH, UFP RBO-FHTLY OILPZDB OE RTPUFSF YN, EUMY "ZEVEO" OE UDEMBEF RPRSHFLY DPVTBFSHUS DP lPOUFBOFYOPRPMS, YMI YFP CHIPDYMP CH YI CHPEOOSH RMBOSHCH . HZMEN H NEUYOE, RTYLB OENEDMEOOP PFRTBCHYFSHUS H lPOUFBOFYOPRPMSH (3 BCHZHUFB). rPUME IPTPYP Y'CHEUFOSHCHI RY'PDCH "ZEVEO" 10 BCHZHUFB RTYVSHM CH dBTDBOEMMSCH Y CH LPOGE LPOGCH RPMKHYUYM TBTEYOYE CHPKFY CH nTBNPTOPE NPTE.
xCHETEOOPUFSH oCHETB VSCHMB FERETSCH CHPUUFBOPCMEOB, YVP CHMBDSCHYUEUFCHP OBD yuETOSCHN NPTEN PUFBCHBMPUSH b FHTTLBNY. UETSHOEOKHA PRBUOPUFSH RTEDUFBCHMSMB FPMSHLP CHTBTSDEVOBS RPYGYS CHEMYLPVTYFBOY, FBL LBL EE NPTULPE RTECCHPUIPDUFCHP VSCHMP VEUURPTOP, B dBTDBOEMMSCH OE VSCHMY LBL UMEDHEF BYBEY EEOSCH. lTPNE FPZP, yFBMYS OEPTSYDBOOP CHSHYMB YЪ UPUFBCHB FTPKUFCHEOOPZP UPAB. rPFPPNH DMS fKhTGY VSHMP VSH TBKHNOEE CHSCHTSDBFSH TEEKHMSHFBFPCH CHEMYLYI VYFCH, RTEDUFPSCHYI ABOUT UKHY, Y PUPVEOOP VYFCH ABOUT THUULPN ZHTPOFE. FEN CHTENEOEN NPVYMYYBGYS FKhTEGLPK BTNYY NPZMB VS RPD YKHNPL RTPDPMTSBFSHUS, Y YBZ LFPF NPTSOP VSCHMP VSH PVYASUOYFSH LBL RTPUFHA NETH RTEDPUFPPTTSOPUFY. rPUMEDPCHBMY RPYUFY 3 NEUSGB LPMEVBOYK Y PFFTSEL, PVOBTTHTSYCHYE HDYCHYFEMSHOPE DCHPEDHYYE FHTPL. with OE RPNOA OY PDOK PVMBUFY RPMYFYLY, CH LPFPTPK VTYFBOULPE RTBCHYFEMSHUFCHP VSMP VSH NOOEE PUCHEDPNMEOP, YUEN CH FHTEGLYI DEMBI. h OBUFPSEEE CHTENS, LPZDB NSC OBEN DEKUFCHYFEMSHOHA PVUFBOPCHLH FPZP READING, UFTBOOP RETEYUYFSCCHBFSH FEMEZTBNNSC, LPFPTSCHE NSC H FP CHTHENS RPMHYUYMY YЪ lPOUFBOFYOPRPMS. CHUE UPAOYOLY, FP HURPLBYCHBENSCHE DTHTSEMAVOSCHNY BLCHETEOYSNNY CHEMILPZP CHYYTS Y RPYUFEOOPC, OP VEURPNPEOPK ZTHHRRSCH LBVYOEFB, FP OEZPDHAEYE OB PFLB FKhTEGLYI CHMBUFEK YO FETOYTPCHBFSH Y PVEEPTHTSYFSH "ZEVEO" Y CHUE CHTENS NYUFYZHYGYTHENSCHE RTPFYCHPTEYUCHYYNY DTHZ DTHZH PUCHEDPNNYFEMSNY, VSHCHMY HCHETEOSCH, YuFP fKhTGYS OE TEYMB UMEDPCHBFSH LBLPK-MYVP PRTEDEMEOOOPK RPMYFYUEULPK MYOYY Y NPTCEF YMY RTYUPEDYOYFSHUS L UPAOYLBN, YMY PFPKFY PF OYI. RETYPD LFPF LPOYUYMUS H OPSVTE, LPZDB ochet, DEKUFCHPCHBCHYK PF YNEOY CHUEI RBO-FKhTEGLYI UIM, RTYLBBM "zeveoh" Y FKhTEGLPNKh ZHMPFKh VEJ CHUSLPZP RTEDHRTETSDEOYS PVUFTEMSF SH THUULYE YETOPNPTULYE RPTFSCH Y FBLYN PVTBBPN UTBYKH CHFSOKHM fKHTGYA CH CHPKOKH.
FP, UFP RPUMEDPCHBMP ЪB LFYN, VSMP CH OBYUYFEMSHOPK YUBUFY HCE TBUULBOP CH RTEDSCHDHEYI FPNBI.
h FEYEOOYE CHUK YFPK YuEFSCHTEIMEFOEK VPTSHVShch fHTGYS CHDPIOPCHMSMBUSH, THLPCHPDYMBUSH Y RPDDETSYCHBMBUSH ZETNBOULYNY CHPEOOSHCHNY UYMBNY Y ZETNBOULYN YOFEMMELFPN. at YЪNEOYUYCHSHCHN KHUREIPN POB VPTPMBUSH U tPUUYEK ABOUT lBCHLBE, OP ZMBCHOSCHN CHTBZPN UFBMB DMS OEE vTYFBOULBS YNRETYS. ZMBCHOSCHE UYMSCH FKhTEGLPK BTNYY VSCHMY TBYFSHCH ABOUT zBMMMYRPMYKULPN RPMKHPUFTPCHE BOZMYKULYNY Y BCHUFTBMYKULYNY CHPKULBNY. h NEUPRPFBNYY, ZDE FHTLY PDETSBMY OEULPMSHLP LTHROSCHI RPVED, VTYFBOULYE CHPKULB OEHDETSYNP DCHYZBMYUSH CHCHETI RP fYZTH. MPKhTEOU OBVTBM H bTBCHY CHPPTKhTSOOOSCHE PFTSDShCH S THLPPCHPDYM H RHUFSHCHOE DECUFCHYSNY BTBVULYI RPCHUFBOGECH. bMMEOVY U BOZMP-YODYKULPK BTNYEK, OBUYUYFSHCHBCHYEK ¼ NMO. YUEMPCHEL, BCHPECHBM rBMEUFYOKH Y CHUFKHRIM CH RTEDEMSCH UYTYY. IPFS ABOUT UBMPOYLULPN ZHTPOFE LPNBODPCHBMY ZHTBOGHSHCH, Y OBUFHRMEOYEN ABOUT lPOUFBOFYOPRPMSH, OBUBFPN U BRBDB, THLPCHPDYM ZHTBOGHULYK ZEOETBM, CH NPNEOF RETENYTYS FHTLY VSHCHM Y HVETSDEOSCH, UFP YI RPZKHVIMB BOZMYS. oEUPNOEOOP, FTY YuEFCHETFY FHTPL, HVYFSHCHI PE CHTENS CHEMYLPK CHPKOSHCH, RBMY PF BOZMYKULYI RHMSH Y YFSHCHLPCH. fKhTLY FERETSh RTELTBUOP UPOBCHBMY, UFP LFY FSTSLIE RPFETY, RTYUOYOEOOSHCH YN YI UFBTSHCHN DTKHZPN Y OEDUFBFPYuOP PGEOOOSCHN RTPFYCHOYLPN, OE UNZZYUBF EZP IOETZYY Y CHTB TSDEVOPUFY.
lPZDB ZYODEOOVHTZPCHULBS MYOYS HLTERMEOYK THIOHMB Y CHNEUFE U OEK THIOHMB ZETNBOIS, FHTEGLPE UPRTPFYCHMEOYE UTBIH RTELTBFYMPUSH, FHTHYS, RPCETZOHFBS OYG, PZMSOHMBUSH Y U PVMEZYUEOYEN HCHYDEMB, UFP HER RPVEDYFEMI VSHCHMY BOZMYUBOE. “NSCH UDEMBMY VPMSHYHA PIYVLKH. NSC UFBMY OE ABOUT FH UFPTPOH, ABOUT LBLHA UMEDPCHBMP UFBFSH, OBU RTYOHDYMY L LFPNKh YBZH ochet Y fBMBBF, OP FERETSH PVB POY VETSBMY. nSC YULTEOOP UPTsBMEEN P FPN, UFP UMHYUMPUSH. TBCHE NSC NPZMY OBFSH BTBOEE, UFP upedyoooosche yFBFSCH UFBOHF CHPECHBFSH U ZETNBOYEK, YMY UFP CHEMYLPVTYFBOIS PLBCEFUS RETCHPLMBUOPK CHPEOOOPK DETTSBCHPK? fBLYE YUHDEUB OE RPDDBAFUS YUEMPCHEYUEULPNH RTEDCHYDEOYA. OBU OEMSHЪS RPTYGBFSH ЪB FP, UFP GENERAL THLPCHPDYFEMI RPCHEMY OBU OECHETOSHCHN RHFEN. LPOEYUOP, NSC BUMKHTSYCHBEN OBLBBOYS, OP RHUFSH OBU OBLBTCEF OBY UFBTSHCHK DTHZ BOZMYS. fBLCHP VSHMP OBUFTPEOYE fHTGIY CH FEYUEOYE 2 YMY 3 UNUSGECH RPUME nHDTPUULPZP RETENYTYS (30 PLFSVTS), LPFPTPPE RPMPTSYMP LPOEG NYTPCHPK CHPKOE ABOUT CHPUFPL.
RTYCHEDEN YDEUSH UMPCHB MPTDB LET'POB:
"lPZDB UPVTBMBUSH NYTOBS LPOZHETEOGYS, UPAOSCHE DETTSBCHSHCH BDCHMBDEMY lPOUFBOFYOPRPMEN, ZDE OBIPDYMPUSH FHTEGLPE RTBCHYFEMSHUFCHP, LPFPTPE, EUMY OE UNYTYMPUSH PLPOYUBFEMSHOP, FP ZPFCHP VSCHMP L HUFHRLBN. GENERAL CHPEOOSHCHI UYM H BOSFSHCHI OBNY BYBFULYI FHTEGLYI PVMBUFSI VSCHMP DPUFBFPYUOP DMS FPZP, UFPVSH OBUFPSFSH OE FPMSHLP ABOUT HUMPCHYSI RETENYTYS, OP Y ABOUT CHUSLYI DPRPMOIFEMSH OSHHI HUMPCHYSI, LPFPTSHCHE NSCH UPYUMY VSC OHTSOSCHN RPUFBCHYFSH. bozmyyuboe RTPYuOP CHMBDEMY NEUPRPFBNYEK CHRMPFSH DP nPUUHMB. rPIIGYS vTYFBOYY CH RETUYY, LBL CH CHPEOOPN, FBL Y CH RPMYFYYUEULPN UNSHUME VSCHMB UTEEKCHSHCHYUBKOP UIMSHOPK. NSC CHUE EEE BOINBMY BLBURYKULKHA PVMBUFSH, OP TEYYMY HDBMYFSHUS PFFHDB, UFP CHULPTE Y VSCHMP YURPMOEOP. lBURYKULPE NPTE VSHMP CH OBYI THLBI Y UFBMP VBPK NPTULYI PRETBGYK RTPFYCH VPMSHYECHYUFULYI CHPKUL. vTYFBOULYE DYCHYYY BOINBMY CHEUSH lBCHLB PF yuETOPZP NPTS DP lBURYKULPZP Y SCHMSMYUSH EDYOUFCHEOOOPK ZBTBOFYEK NYTB NETSDKH UPRETOYUBAENY OBTPDBNY ZTHYOBN Y, BTNSOBNY, FBFBTBNY, DBZEUFBOGBNY Y THUULYNY h nBMPK BYY (CHOE POSCH VTYFBOULPK CHPEOOPC PLLHRBGYY) OE VSCHMP OILBLYI UPAOYOSCHI UYM. UHDSHVB bTNEOY PUFBCHBMBUSH EEE OETEYOOOPK, FBL LBL VPMSHYOUFCHP BTNSO VETSBMP Y UCHPEK UFTBOSHCH. p DEMETSE nBMPK BYY ЪB YULMAYUEOYEN bTNEOY Y, RPTsBMHK, LYMYLYY EEE OILFP OE ZPCHPTYM. h UYTYY RPMPTSEOYE VSHMP ZPTBDP VPMEE UMPTSOP, FBL LBL UFTENMEOYE ZHTBOGKHPCH FTHDOP VSHMP RTYNYTYFSH U TEBMSHOPK PVUFBOCHLPK, UMPTSYCHYEKUS CH bTBCHY, B OBUFBYCHBFSH ABOUT VHLCHBMSHOPN YURPMOEOYY ЪMPUYUBUFOPZP UPZMBYEOIS UBCLUB RYLP. h rBMEUFYOE RTEDUFBCHMSMPUSH CHRPMO CHP-NPTSOSCHN RTYNYTYFSH YOFETEUSCH BTBVULPZP OBUEMEOIS Y UIPOYUFULYI YNNYZTBOPCH, Y CHUE RTYOBLY UCHYDEFEMSHUFCHPCHBMY P FPN, UFP Than YLPVTYFBOYS CHULPTE RPMHYUYF NBODBF ABOUT LFH PVMBUFSH U UZMBUYS PVEYI OBGYPOBMSHOPUFEK. h eZIRFE VSCHMP CHUE EEE URPLPKOP".
rTY FBLPZP TPDB PVUFBOPCHLE VSCHMY OEPVVIPDINSCH YITPLIE, SUOSCHE Y, ZMBCHOSCHN PVTBBPN, VSHCHUFTSHCHE TEYOYOS. LBCDSCHK DEOSH RTPNEDMEOYS CH FYI RMPIP PTZBOY'PCHBOOSCHI Y UTECHSHCHYUBKOP OEURPLKOSCHI PVMBUFSI VSCHM UTECHBF PRBUOPUFSNY. xCE Y WE FPZP DCHB NEUSGB RTPYMP CH PFFSTSLBI, Y ChP CHUEK LFPK PZTPNOPK PVMBUFY, LPFPTBS LPZDB-FP SCHMSMBUSH GEOPFTPN ULPRMEOYS PZTPNOSHI VPZBFUFCH Y PYUBZPN DTECHOYI GI CHYMYBGYK, B FERESH VSCHMB OBUEMEOOB OBTPDBNY, ULMPOOSCHNY L TSEUFPLPUFY Y ZHBOBFYNKH, DB RTYFPN EEE CHPPTHTSEOOSCHNY, CHUE URTBYCHBMY UEFA: "UFP UMHYUIMPUSH Y UFP OBN DEMBFSh?" OP RPVEDPOPUOSCHE ZPUHDBTUFCHEOOSHCHE DESFEMY, BUEDBCHYE CH rBTYCE, OE DBCHBMY YN OILBLLPZP PFCHEFB. SING VSHCHMY BOSFSHCH CHBYNOPC VPTSHVPK Y DPMTSOSCH VSCHMY RTIKFY L UZMBYEOYA. sing DPMTSOSCH VSHCHMY TBYASUOYFSH bNETYLE, UFP RTPYUIPDYMP CH ECHTPRE. sing DPMTSOSCH VSCHMY PFCHEYUBFSH ABOUT OBUFPKYUYCHSCHE FTEVPCHBOYS zhTBOGYY, HFCHETSDBCHYEK, UFP TB HER BTNYY DPUFYZMY TEKOB, SING OE DPMTSOSCH PUFBCHMSFSH EZP. sing DPMTSOSCH VSCHMY RTPYCHEUFY OBD ZETNBOYEK URTBCHEDMYCHSHCHK UHD Y U RPNPESHA UCHPYI BTNYK PVEUREYUYFSH YURPMOEOYE UCHPYI FTEVPCHBOYK. b LTHZPN YI VHYECHBM UPSU, CHDSNBCHYKUS CHUE CHCHY Y CHCHYE.
rTEYIDEOF CHYMSHUPO Y BNETYLBOULBS NYTOBS DEMEZBGYS LTBKOE PFTYGBFEMSHOP PFOPUYMYUSH L FBKOSHCHN DPZPCHPTTBN Y ZPTDYMYUSH FEN, UFP bNETYLB OE YNEMB PFOPIEOYS OY L PDOPNKH YJ OYI. ABOUT VMYTSOEN CHPUFPL UPEDYOEOOSHCH yFBFSCH VSCHMY DECUFCHYFEMSHOP EDYOUFCHEOOOPK OEBYOFETEUPCHBOOPK DETTSBCHPK.
pVUFPSFEMSHUFCHP LFP VSCMP OEUPNOEOOP CHEUSHNB VMBZPRTYSFOP, YVP, LBL NSC HCE ZPCHPTYMY CHCHIE, NOPZIE FBKOSH DPZPCHPTSC VSCHMY BLMAYUEOSCH RPD DBCHMEOYEN CHPEOOPC PVUFBOPCLY Y DPMC OSH VSCHMY VSHCHFSH BOOKHMYTPCHBOSHCH. rTEYDEOF CHYMSHUPO Y UPDOEOOOSCHE yFBFSCH, OYUENOE ULPNRTPNEFYTPCHBOOSCHEY CH FP TSE CHTENS PVMBDBCHYE PZTPNIGHT HDEMSHOSHCHN CHUEPN, RTEDUFBCHMSMY UPVPK LBL TBB FPF OPCHSHCHK LMENEOF . OP FTBZEDYS BLMAYUBMBUSH CH FPN, UFP LPZDB RTEEYDEOF CHYMSHUPO OBYUBM DEKUFCHPCHBFSH, PO NBMP UYUYFBMUS U TEBMSHOPK DEKUFCHYFEMSHOPUFSHHA. PLBBOOSCHE YN HUMKHZY VSCHMY GEOOSCH, NETSDH FEN LBL ON REFINERY VSC PLBBFSH NYTH DECUFCHYFEMSHOP OEPGEOINSCHE HUMKHZY.
rTEJIDEOF CHYMSHUPO ZPCHPTYM:
“UPEDYEOOSCHE yFBFSCH UCHETOPK bNETYLY OE UYUYFBAFUS U RTYFSBOYEN CHEMYLPVTYFBOY Y JHTBOGIY ABOUT CHMBDSCHYUEUFCHP OBD FENY YMY DTHZYNY OBTPDBNY, EUMY UBNY LFY OBTPDSCHP OE CEMBAF FBLCHPZP. pDIO YЪ PUOPCHOSHI RTYOGYRPCH, RTYOBCHBENSCHI upedyooeooshchny yFBFBNY UECHETOPK bNETYLY, BLMAYUBEFUS CH FPN, UFP OEPVIPDYNP UYUYFBFSHUS U UZMBUYEN HRTBCHMSENSCHI. ffpf rtyogyr zmkhvplp hlpteoimus h upedyooooschi yFBFBI. rPFPNKh upedyoooosche yFBFSCH CEMBMY OBFSH, RTYENMENB MY zhTBOGYS DMS UYTYKGECH. FPYuOP FBLTS POI TSEMBMY OBFSH, RTYENMENP MY VTYFBOULPE CHMBDSCHYUEUFCHP DMS TSYFEMEK NEUPRPFBNYY. nPCEF VSHCHFSH, RTEJIDEOF OE DPMTSEO VVM CHNEYCHBFSHUS CH LFP DEMP, OP TB B EZP PV FFPN URTBYCHBMY, Y TBB CHPRTPU FFPF VSCHM RPUFBCHMEO RETED LPOZHETEOGYEK, FP EDYOUFCHEOOOSCHN ChP ЪNPTSOSCHN TEOYOYEN VSCHMP HUFBOPCHYFSH YUFYOOPE TSEMBOYE OBUEMEOYS LFYI NEUFOPUFEK.rPFPNKH ON RTEMPTSYM RPUMBFSH CH FHTGYA LPNYUUYA DMS PVUMEDPCHBOYS UPDBCHYEZPUS RPMPTSEOIS CHEEEK Y FBLYN PVTBPN OBNEFIYM BDBYuY:
LPNYUUYS DPMTSOB VSCHMB HUFBOCHYFSH, L Yuenkh ULMPOSEFUS PVEEUFCHEOOPE NOOEOYE Y FE HUMPCHYS, RTY LPFPTSCHI RTYDEFUS DEKUFCHPCHBFSH NBODBFOPC DETTSBCHE. RP UCHPEN CHPЪCHTBEEOYY LPNYUUYS DPMTSOB VSCHMB DPMPTSYFSH LPOZHETEOGYY, UFP YNEOOP POB OBYMB LFP HVEDYMP VSC CHEUSH NYT, YuFP LPOZHETEOGYS UFP LPOZHETEOGYS UFP LPOZHETEOGYS OBKFY RPDMYOOP OBHYUOSCHE PUOPCHBOYS DMS TEYOYS CHPRTPUB. lPNYUUYS DPMTSOB VSCHMB UPUFPSFSH Y TBCHOPZP YUYUMB ZHTBOGKHULYI, VTYFBOULYI, YFBMShSOULYI Y BNETYLBOULYI RTEDUFBCHYFEMEK. yN UMEDPCHBMP RTEDPUFBCHYFSH RTBCHP TBUULBBFSH ZHBLFSCH, LBL POY CH DEKUFCHYFEMSHOPUFY VSHCHMY" {72} .
"rTEJIDEOF, ZPCHPTYF VELLET, U VPMSHYN TsBTPN PFUFBYCHBM LFH IDEA".
fTEVPCHBOYE LFP LBMBPUSH CHRPMOE EUFEUFCHEOOCHN. NSCH OBEN, UFP LPZDB CH OBYEK CHOKHFTEOOOEK RPMYFILE CHPOYILBEF UMPTSOSCHK CHPRTPU, CHPMOKHAEYK RHVMYLKH, FP PVSCHYUOP RTYVEZBAF L DPNBYOENKH MELBTUFCHKH OBOBYUBAF LPNYFEF YMY LPTPMECHULHA LPNYUUYA. melbtufchp ffp pueosh yubufp plbschchchbefus chrpmoe khureyoschn, IPFS Lpnyuuys oe teybef chprtpub y, RP CHUEK CHETPSFOPUFY, neoeee lpnrefeofob teybfsh EZP, Yuen Pfchefufcheooshchen nyoy UFTShch. FEN OE NOOEE, PE NOPZYI UMHYUBSI DPMZBS PFFSTSLB, FETREMYCHPE UPVYTBOYE UCHIDEFEMSHULYI RPLBBOYK Y YODBOOBS LPNYUUYEK HCHEUYUFBS uYOSS LOISB DBAF CHPNPTSOPUFSH YYMPTS YFSH CHPRTPU CH TBMYUOPK Y, NPTSEF, NEOEE TELPK ZHTNE. CHRPMOE EUFEUFCHEOOP, UFP RTEYIDEOF CHYMSHUPO RTEMPTSYM FBLPK YUIPD Y UFP DETTSBCHSHCH, URPTYCHYYE DTHZ U DTHZPN, UZMBUIMYUSH ABOUT OEZP. h DBOOPN UMHYUBE OILPZP OEMSHЪS VSCHMP bb fp rptygbfsh.
OP OERPUTEDUFCHEOOP ЪBYOFETEUPCHBOOSCHE OBGYY OE IPFEMI VE LPOGB DPTSYDBFSHUS CHETDYLFB OETEYFEMSHOSCHI CHEMYLYYI DETTSBCH. OYUFP OE VSHMP VPMEE URPUPVOP TBTSEYUSH YI UFTBUFY, YUEN LFB VMHTsDBAEBS LPNYUUYS PVUMEDPCHBOIS, BOINBAEBSUS RPYULBNY YUFYOSCH, LPFPTPK RTEDUFPSMP PVYAEIBFSH CHUE RPTPICH SCHE ULMBDSCH vMYTSOEZP chPUFPLB U BRYUOPK LOYTSLPK CH PDOPK THLE Y UBTSEOOPK RBRYTPULPK CH DTHZPK. CHUSLPNKH VSCHMP SUOP, UFP RTEYIDEOF CHYMSHUPO RTBC Y YUFP EZP RTEMDMPSEOYE VSMP VSC CHRPMOE HNEUFOP DMS TBTEOYEOIS FEI YMY YOSHI RPMYFYYUEULYI ЪBFTHDOEOYK CH UPEDYEOOSCHI YFBF BI YMY CH CHEMYLPVTYFBOYY, OP RTY DBOOSHI PVUFPSFEMSHUFCHBI Y CH DBOOPK PVUFBOPCLE LFYN URPUPVPN NPTsOP VSHCHMP FPMSHLP RPDZPFPCHYFSH CHATSHCHCH. CHTENS LTYYUB ZPUHDBTUFCHEOOSHCHE MADY, RPDPVOP ZEOETTBMBN Y BDNYTBMBN ABOUT RPME UTBTSEOIS, YUBUFP DPMTSOSCH RTYOYNBFSH TPLPCHSHCHE TEYOYS, OYOBS NOPZYI UHEEUFCHEOOSHCHI ZhBLFPCH. FP PUEOSH FTHDOP, OP MAVPE TEOYOYE MHYUYE, YUEN OILBLPE. tBUIBTSYCHBFSH UTEDY NBUU DEEPTZBOYPCHBOOSCHI Y TBYASTEOOSCHI MADEK Y URTBYCHBFSH YI, YUFP POY PV FFPN DKhNBAF, YMY YuEZP VS POY IPFEMY, OBYVPMEE CHETOSHCHK URPUV DMS FPZP , UFPVSCH TBTSEYUSH CHBYNOKHA VPTSHVKh. lPZDB MADY RPNPZBAF CH FBLYI DEMBI, LPFPTSCHI POY OE RPOYNBAF Y CH LPFPTSCHI POY RPYUFY OE BYOFETEUPCHBOSHCH, POY EUFEUFCHEOOP HUYMYCHBAF UEVE CHPCHSHCHEOOPE Y VEURTYUFTBUFOPE OBUFTPEOYE. “rPЪOBLPNYNUS UP CHUENY ZHBLFBNY RTETSDE, YUEN RTYOSFSH TEYOYE. hOBEN PVUFBOPCHLH. CHSCHSUOIN TSEMBOIS OBUEMEOYS". LBL NHDTP Y RTBCHIMSHOP CHUE YFP ЪCHHYUYF! y PDOBLP RTETSDE YUEN LPNYUUIS, CH LPFPTPK CH LPOGE LPOGPC PUFBMYUSH PDOY MYYSH BNETYLBOULYE RTEDUFBCHYFEMY, RTPEIBMB FTEFSH RHFY Yuete PVUMEDHENSCHE EA NEUFOPUFY, RPYUFY CHUE BYOFETEUPCHBOOSCHE OBTPDSCH RPDOSMY CHPPTHTSEOOPE CHPUUFBOYE Y RPYUFY CHUE UPAOSCHE CHPKULB CHETOKHMYUSH ABOUT TPDYOKH.
LBL VSC OP OH VSCMP, U NPNEOFB OBBYUEOYS LPNYUUY CHEUSH VMYTSOYK CHPUFPL ABOUT OEPRTEDEMEOOP DPMZPE CHTENS, ABOUT LPFPTPE VSCHMY TBUUYUYFBOSC PVUMEDCHBOIS, VSCHM PICBYEO LPMEVBOISNY. yЪP DOS H DEOSH UPPFCHEFUFCHHAEIN VTYFBOULYN NYOYUFETUFCHBN DPOPUYMY P DEUSFLBI OPCHSHI PUFTSHCHI CHPRTPPUCH, YЪ-B LPFPTSCHI MADY DTBMYUSH DTHZ U DTHZPN, B NETsDH FEN PFCHEF UFCHEOOSCHK YUYOPCHOYL NYOYUFETUFCHB REFINERY OBMPTSYFSH FPMSHLP TEEPMAGYA: "U FYNY CHPRTPUBNY UMEDHEF PVPTSDBFSH, RPLB NETSDHUPAYOYUEULBS LPNYUUIS OE BLPOYUYF UCHPEZP PV UMEDPCHBOYS" . yFBL, DTHCEUFCHEOOP TBURPMPTSEOOSCHE LMENEOFSHCH CHSCTSYDBMY Y PVTBEBMYUSH U CHPRTPUBNY, B CHTBTSDEVOSHCHE LMENEOFSHCH BTTSBMY THTSSHS Y TBTVBFSHCHCHBMY RMBOSHCH.
OP CHUE LFP NPZMP VSC HMEYUSHUS, Y UPVSCHFIYSNY UPCHB NPTsOP VSMP VSC THLPCHPDYFSH, EUMY VSCHOE VSHM UCHETIEO PYO BLF, RTPFYCHPTEYUCHYYK CHUEN RTYOGYRBN ZPUHDBTUFCHEOOOPK NHDTPUFY Y TBTSYZBCHYEK UFTBUFY. rTYFSBOYS YFBMYY ABOUT FHTEGLHA YNRETYA RTECHPUIPDYMY UBNPE UNEMPE CHPPVTBTSEOYE. h FP TSE CHTENS yFBMYS OE ЪBnedmymb DPLBBFSH YЪHNMEOOPNKh rBTYTSH, UFP POB VHDEF BLFICHOP PFUFBYCHBFSH UCHPY GEMY. MYYSH FPMSHLP VSHMP RTYOSFP TEYOYE RPUMBFSH LPNYUUYA ABOUT CHPUFPL (B UFP ZPMPUCHBMB Y yFBMYS), YFBMShSOGSH RPD RTEDMPZPN HUNYTEOYS NEUFOSHCHI VEURPTSDLPCH BICHBFYMY bDBM YA Y CH FP CE CHTENS ЪBSCHYMY PZHYGYBMSHOSHCHK RTPFEUF RTPFICH FPZP, UFP ZTELY RTYZPFPCHMSAFUS RPUMBFSH DEUBOF CH UNYTOH. ZTELY CH UCHPA PYUETEDSH ЪBSCHMSMY, YuFP YFBMShSOULPE CHSHUFHRMEOYE CH bDBMYO VSCHMP FPMSHLP RTEMADYEK, BL LPFPTPK DPMTSOP RPUMEDPCHBFSH RPLKHYOYE ABOUT PVMBUFY, LPFPTSHCHE DPMTSOSCH VSC MY RETEKFI L ZTEELBN.
l LPOGH BRTEMS RPSCHYMYUSH Y'CHEUFIS, UFP YFBMSHSOGSHCH CHSHCHUBDYMY OEEPMSHYYE PFTSDShCH VHDTHNE, nBLTY Y bMBKE. pDOPCTENEOOP U FYN FTYHNCHYTBF, RPD CHMYSOYEN MYUOPZP PVBSOYS CHEOEYMPUB, CHUE VPMSHIE Y VPMSHYE ULMPOSMUS L FPNKh, UFPVSH RETEDBFSH ZTEELBN UNYTOH CHNEUFE U bKDYOULPK RTPCHYOGYEK . UNYTOB Y YUBUFSH RTYNSCHLBCHYEZP L OEK RPVETETSSHS H FEYEOOYE FSHCHUSYU MEF VSHMY OBUEMEOSH ZMBCHOSCHN PVTBBPN ZTEELBNY. vMBZPUPUFPSOYE LFPK PVMBUFY PYASUOSMPUSH ZMBCHOSCHN PVTBPN VMEUFSEYNY URPUPVOPUFSNNY ZTEYUEULPZP OBUEMEOYS Y KHUREIBNY ZTEYUEULPK RTPNCHYMEOOPUFY Y ZTEYUEULPZP UEMSHULPZP IP SKUFCHB. xCE Ch 1915 Z. RTBCHYFEMSHUFCHP BULCHYFB TEYMP, YuFP EUMY zTEGYS RTYNEF HYBUFYE CH CHPKOOE Y UPUFPIFUS TBDEM fHTGIY, FP uNYTOB DPMTSOB VSHCHFSH RETEDBOB ZTElbN. fETTYFPTYBMSHOBS LPNYUUYS OB NYTOPK LPOZHETEOGYY, TBVYTBCHYBS CHPRTPU P ZTBOYGBI zTEGYY, VPMSHYOUFCHPN ZPMPUCH, CHLMAYUBS VTYFBOULYI, ZHTBOGHULYI Y BNETYLBOULYI RTE DUFBCHYFEMEK, CHSHCHULBBMBUSH CH RPMSH ZTELPCH. rTEYDEOF CHYMSHUPO UZMBUIMUS AT HER BLMAYUEOYSNNY. OP UMHI PV LFPN TEYOYY CHSCCHBM RTPFFEUFSHCH ECHTPREKULPK LPMPOYY CH UNYTOE, Y RTPTSYCHBAEYE CH UNYTOE BNETILBOULIE NYUUYPOETSC, B TBCHOP Y VTYFBOULYK CHETIPCHOSCHK LPNYUUBT CH lPOUFBOFYOPRPME OBRETEVPK RPUSCHMBMY RTEDHRTETSDEOYS PFOPUYFEMSHOP PRBUOPUFY RPDPVOPZP YBZB.
RPMOSHCHK TBTSCHCH NETSDH RTEYDEOFPN CHYMSHUPOPN Y IFBMShSOULPK DEMEZBGEK RTYCHEM L FPNH, UFP RTEDUFBCHYFEMY YFBMYY CHTENEOOP RPLYOKHMY LPOZHETEOGYA. eUFEUFCHEOOP, UFP CH RSHCHMH UICHBFLY U UYOSHPTPN PTMBODP CHYMSHUPO RTYOSM UFPTPOH zTEGYY. h MYGE VTYFBOULPZP RTENSHET-NYOYUFTTB POLIEM ZPTSUEZP EDYOPNSCHYMEOOILB. lMENBOUP, ЪBOSFSHKK CHPRTPUPN P tekoe Y P VHDHEOPUFY zhTBOGYY, MAVEOP RPDDETSBM YI PVPYI. UPVSCHFIS FTEVPCHBMY DEKUFCHYK. lPZDB RPSCHYMYUSH UPPVEEOIS, YuFP YFBMSHSOGSC UPVYTBAFUS BICHBFYFSH UNYTOH UYMPK Y FHTLY RTPYCHPDSF OBUYMYS OBD ZTEYUEULYN OBUEMEOYEN, VSCHM UDEMBO TPLPPK YBZ. 5 NBS FTYKHNCHYTBF TEYIM, UFP ZTELY DPMTSOSCH OENEDMEOOP ЪBOSFSH UNYTOH DMS PITBOSH RTPTSYCHBAEYI FBN UFPYI UPPFEYUEUFCHEOOILCH. mMPKD-dTsPTDTs RPFTEVPCBM, YuFPVSCH CHEOYEMPUKH VSMP TBTEYEOP DETTSBFSh ABOUT VPTFKh RPUMBOOSCHI UHDPC CHPPTKhTSEOOSCHE PFTSDSCH, LPFPTSHCH NPTsOP VSCHMP VSCHCHCHUBDYFSH OB VETEZ CH UMKHYUBE OEPVI PYNPUFY. rTEYIDEOF CHYMSHUPO ULBBM, YuFP ChPKULB MHYUYE CHSHCHUBDYFSH UTBKH, YVP FTHDOP RPDDETSYCHBFSH UTEDY OYI DYUGYRMYOKH, EUMY YI DETTSBFSH ABOUT VPTFH LPTBVMS. mMPKD-dTsPTDTS OE ChPTBTSBM.
10 NBS ChPRTPU FFPF UPCHB VSCHM RPUFBCHMEO ABOUT PVUHTSDEOYE. rTEDMPTSEOYE P CHSHCHUBDLE DEUBOFB VSCHMP CH RTYOGYRE PDPVTEOP, Y PUFBCHBMPUSH TBUUNPFTEFSH FPMSHLP RTBLFYUEULIE DEFBMY. ULT ZEOTY CHYMSHUPO RTYUHFUFCHPCHBM OB PVPYI BUEDBOYSI, OP CHSHCHULBSHCHCHBMUS MYYSH RP FEIOYYUEULYN CHPRTPUBN. 12 NBS UPUFPSMPUSH FTEFSHE BUEDBOYE. uYOSHPT pTMBODP CHETOKHMUS FERESH ABOUT LPOZHETEOGYA. EZP HCHETYMY, UFP ZTEYUEULBS PLLHRBGYS EEE OE RTEDTEYBEF VHDHEEK HYBUFY UNITOSCH, UFP YFP EUFSH FPMSHLP UTEJSHCHYUBKOBS NETB, RTYOYNBENBS DMS BEYFSCH ZTEYUEULPZP OBU EMEOIS. h UZMBUYY U HUMPCHYSNY RETENYTYS UMEDHEF RPFTEVPCHBFSH PF FHTGYY, YUFPVSCH UNYTOULIE RPTFSCH VSCHMY RETEDBOSH VTYFBOULYN, JTBOGHULYN Y YFBMShSOULYN PFTSDBN. uYOSHPT PTMBODP, OEULPMSHLP RPDHNBCH, OE UFBM RTYOGYRYBMSHOP CHPTBTSBFSH RTPFYCH DEUBOFB, OP FTEVPCHBM, YuFPVSH VTYFBOULYE, ZHTBOGHULYE Y YFBMShSOULYE PFTSDSHCH OE V SCHMY PFPCHBOSHCH DP FEI RPT, RPLB ChPRTPU OE VKhDEF TBTEYEO PLPOYUBFEMSHOP. UPCHEF YUEFSHCHTEI TEYYM, YUFP ZTEYUEULYE CHPKULB DPMTSOSCH OENEDMEOOP CHSHUFKHRYFSH J LBCHBMSCH Y YUFP CH PRETBGYSI UPAOSCHI ChPKUL DPMTSOSCH RTYOSFSH HYBUFYE YFBMShSOULIE PFTSDSHCH.
CHEOYEMPU YNEEF RTBCHP HFCHETSDBFSH, UFP, PFRTBCHMSSUSH CH UNYTOH, PO DEKUFCHCHBM CH LBYUEUFCHE HRPMONPYUEOOPZP YuEFSCHTEI CHEMYLYI DETTSBCH. oP RTY LFPN ON RTPSCHYM RTCHPTUFCHP HFLY, OSHTSAEEK CH CHPDH. lBLPCHB VSCH OH VSCHMB PFCHEFUFCHEOOPUFSH UPCHEFB YUEFSHCHTEI YMY, CHETOEE, FTYHNCHYTBFB, LPFPTSHCHK VSCHM ZMBCHOPK DCHYTSHEEK UYMPK, PFCHEFUFCHEOOPUFSH CHEOYYIMPUB OE RPDMETSYF UPNOOYA. ON PYO TBURPMBZBM UTEDUFCHBNY DMS CHPEOOSHHI CHSHUFHRMEOYK. OE NPZMP VSHCHFSH Y TEYUY P RPUSCHMLE ULPMSHLP-OYVHDSH LTHROSHCHI VTYFBOULYI, JTBOGKHULYI Y BNETYLBOULYYI PFTSDPCH, PFTSDSC Tse, ZhBLFYUEULY RPUMBOOSHCH LFYNY DETTSBCHBNY, YNEM Y MYYSH UINCHPMYUEULPE OBYUEOYE. OP ZTEYUEULYE DYCHYYY VSCHMY RPD THLPK Y TCBMYUSH CH VPK. 15 NBS, OEUNPFTS ABOUT UETSHESHE RTEDPUFETETSEOIS Y RTPFEUFSHCH VTYFBOULPZP NYOYUFETUFCHB YOPUFTBOOSHI DEM Y CHPEOOPZP NYOYUFETUFCHB, DCHBDGBFSH FSHCHUSYU ZTEYUEULYI UPMDBF, RPD RTILTSCHFYEN UHDPCHSCHI VBFBTEK, CHSHCHUBDYMYUSH CH UNYTOE, HVYMY NOPTSEUFCHP FHTPL, OBOSMY ZPTPD, VSHCHUFTP DCHYOKHMYUSH RP uNYTOP-bKDYOULPK CEME'OPK DPTPZE; POY CHUFKHRYMY CH PTSEUFPYOOOSCHK VPK U FKhTEGLYNY TEZHMSTOSHCHNY Y OETEZHMSTOSHCHNY CHPKULBNY Y U FHTEGLYN OBUEMEOYEN CH bKDYOE Y CHPDTHYOMY CH nBMPK BYY OBNS RPVESHCH OPCSHCHI b BCHPECHBFEMEK.
with RTELTBUOP RPNOA, LBLPE UNKHEEOYE Y FTECHPZH S YURSHCHFBM, LPZDB HOBM CH rBTYCE PV LFPN TPLCHPN UPVSCHFIY. oEUPNOEOOP, S VSHCHM FBLTS Y RPD CHEYUBFMEOYEN FPK FTECHPZY, LPFPTHA LFPF YBZ CHSHCHBM CH VTYFBOULPN ZEOETTBMSHOPN YFBVE. DBCE OYUBCHYUYNP PF UYNRBFYK L FKhTLBN, LPFPTSCHNY PVSCHYUOP PFMYUBAFUS VTYFBOULIE CHPEOOSHCHE DESFEMY, OYUEN OEMSHЪS VSHMP Y'CHYOYFSH FFPF OEPUFPTPTSOSCHK Y OBUYMSHUFCHEOO SCHK BLF, CHSCCHCHBCHYK NOPTSEUFCHP OPCHSCHI PRBUOSCHHI PUMPTSOEOYK CH FPF UBNSCHK NPNEOPH, LPZDB UIMSHCH h ChPEOOPN NYOYUFETUFCHE RPUMEDUFCHYS LFPZP YBZB RPYUKHCHUFCHPCHBMYUSH OENEDMEOOP. OBIY PZHYGETSCH RP DCHPE Y RP FTPE TBYAETSBMY RP CHUEK nBMPK BYY, OBDYTBS BYB UDBYUK PTHTSYS Y BNHOIGYY UZMBUOP HUMPCHYSN RETENYTYS. VEPTHTSOSCHEY OILEN O UFEUOSENSCHE, POY RETEEKTSBMY U NEUFB ABOUT NEUFP Y FPMSHLP HLBSCCHBMY, YuFP OBDP DEMBFSh. fHTLY RPDYUYOSMYUSH YN RPYUFY NEIBOYYUEULY Y RPUMHYOP ULMBDSHCHBMY CH LHYUH THTSSHS, RHMENEFSHCH, PTHDYS Y UOBTSDSCH. CHEDSh fHTGYS VSCHMB TB'VYFB, Y RTYFPN TB'VYFB 'BUMHTSEOOP. "RHUFSH OBU OBBLBSCHCHBEF OBY UFBTSHK DTHZ BOZMYS". PTHTSYE PFCHPYMPUSH CH ULMBDSCH, PTHDYS PFCHPYMYUSH CH RBTLY, UOBTSDSC ULMBDSCHCHBMYUSH NBUUYCHOSCHNY ZTHDBNY, YVP FHTLY RTYOBCHBMY, UFP LFP OEYVETSOP CHSHCHFELBEF YЪ CHPEOOSHCHI RPTBTSEOIK Y RPDRYUBOOSHCHI YNY LPOCHEOGYK.
oP U FPZP UBNPZP NPNEOFB, LPZDB FKhTEGLBS OBGYS, POB NETSDH FEN RTPDPMTSBMB UHEEUFCHPCHBFSH, IPFS CH rBTYCE, RP-CHYDYNPNKh, PV LFPN OE OBMY, RPOSMB, YuFP POB DP MTSOB RPDYOSFSHUS OE bMMEOVY U EZP BOZMP-YODYKULYNY CHPKULBNY, B zTEGYY, FFPNH OEOBCHYUFOPNKH Y YULPOY RTEYTBENPNKH CHTBZKH, FPK UBNPK zTEGYY, LPFPTBS Ch ZMBBBI FHTPL VSCHMB MYYSH CHPUUFBCHYEK RTPCHYOGYEK Y L FPNKh TSE OEPDOPLTTBFOP TBBYFSHCHN RTPFYCHOYLP N, U vTYFBOULYI PZHYGETPCH, UMEDICHYI bb YURPMOEOYEN HUMPCHYK RETENYTYS, UOBYUBMB UFBMY YZOPTYTPCHBFSH, BLFEN PULPTVMSFSH Y OBLPOEG RTEUMEDPCBFSH YMY VETSBMPUFOP HCHPDYF W H RMEO. UPVTBOOSHCH LHYuY CHPEOOPZP UOBTSEOIS CH LBLHA-OYVHDSH OEDEMA RETEYMYY Y VTYFBOULYI THL L FHTBLBN. nHUFBZHB LENBMSh, FPF UBNSCHK TPLPPK PK YuEMPCHEL, LPFPTSCHK OBIPDYMUS OB zBMMYRPMYKULPN RPMKHPUFTPCHE CH BRTEME Y BCHZHUFE 1915 Z. Y LPFPTSCHK DP FEI RPT UYUYFBMUS YUHFSH MY OE VKHOFPCHEYLPN, ChPUUFBCHYYN RTPFYCH LPOUFBOFYOPRPMSHULPZP FKhTEGLPZP RTBCHYFEMSHUFCHB, VSHCHM PVMEYUEO FERETSH CHUENY RPMOPNPYUSNY CHPEOOPZP DILFBFPTB. LENBMSH DEKUFCHYFEMSHOP PVMBDBM CHUENY OHTSOSCHNY DMS FPZP LBYEUFCHBNY.
OP NPTBMSHOSHCHE RTEINKHEUFCHB, LPFPTSCHE PO RPMHYUYM, VSCHMY DMS OEZP EEE CHBTSOEEE, YUEN PVTBFOSHCHK BICHBF PTHTSYS Y CHPEOOPZP UOBTSEOIS. NSCH HCE ZPCHPTYMY, OBULPMSHLP PVDHNBOOB Y MKPOBNETEOOB VSCHMB FHTEGLBS RPMYFYLB PE CHTHENS CHEMYLPK CHPKOSHCH Y OBULPMSHLP PUOPCHBFEMSHOSH VSHCHMY PVCHYOEOYS UPAOYLPCH RP BDTEUKh fHTGIY . xTsBUOBS UHDSHVB BTNSO EEE X CHUEI CH RBNSFY. FEN OE NOOEE, PVEEE PFOPEOYE NYTOPK LPOZHETEOGY L fKhTGY VSCHMP OBUFPMSHLP UHTCHP, UFP RTBCHDB PLBBMBUSH FERESH ABOUT HER UFPTPOE. URTBCHEDMYCHPUFSH, LPFPTPK OILPZDB OE VSCCHBEF NEUFB CH UPCHEFBI RPVEDIFEMEK, RETEYMB CH RTPFYCHPRPMTSOSCHK MBZETSH. rPTBTSEOYE, TBUUKHTSDBMY FHTLY, RTYIPDYFUS RTYOSFSH Y RPUMEDUFCHYS EZP OEPVIPDYNP UOPUYFSH; OP RPSCHMEOYE ZTEYUEULPK BTNYY CH nBMPK BYY CH FPF UBNSCHK NPNEOF, LPZDB fKhTGYA TBBPTHTSBMY, RTEDCHEEBMP KHOYUFPTSEOYE Y UNETFSH FKhTEGLPK OBGYY Y RTECHTBEEOYE FHTPL Ch HZOEFB ENHA Y RPTBVPEEOOHA TBUKH. 9 YAOS CH NBMEOSHLPN ZPTPDYYLE iBTBUYE PLPMP bNBUYY nHUFBZHB LENBMSh RHVMYUOP YЪMPTSYM UCHPY RMBOSH URBUEOIS FKHTGYY. pZPOSH RBO-FKhTEGLPK YDEY, RPYuFY RPZBUYK, UPCHB CHURSHCHIOKHM STLYN RMBNEOEN. OY PYO FHTPLOE CEMBM RTYOBFSH ZTEYUEULPE BCCHPECHBOYE CHEMEOYEN UHDSHVSHCH. IPFS pFFPNBOULBS YNRETYS, PFSZPEEOOBS VEHNYEN, RBRSFOBOOBS RTEUFHRMEOYSNNY, YUFPNMEOOBS DHTOSCHN HRTBCHMEOYEN, TBBYFBS ABOUT RPME VTBOY Y DPCHEDEOOBS DP YUFPEEOIS DPM ZYNY Y PRHUFPYFEMSHOSCHNY CHPKOBNY, TBURBDBMBUSH ABOUT YUBUFY, FEN OE NEOEE FHTLY VSCHMY EEE TSYCHSHCH. h YI ZTHDY VYMPUSH UETDGE TBUSCH, VTPUBCHYEK OELPZDB CHSHCHCHCHUKH CHUENKH NYTH Y CH FEYUEOYE UFPMEFYK HUREYOP PVPTPOSCHYEKUS PF CHUEI RTYYEMSHGECH. FERETSH Ch THLBI FHTPL UOPCHB VSCMP UPCTENEOOPE CHPEOOPE UOBTSEOYE, B ChP ZMBCHE YI UFPSM ChPTsDSH, LPFPTSHCHK, UHDS RP CHUENKH, UFPYF TSDPN U FENY YUEFSHTSHNS YMI RSFSHA MADSHNY, LPFPTSHCHCHD CHYOKHMYUSH ABOUT RETCHSHCHK RMBO PE CHTHENS NYTPCHPZP LBFBLMYYNB. h TBBPMPYUEOOSCHI Y HCHEYBOOSCHI LPCHTBNY MBBI RBTYTSB UPVTBMYUSH BLPOPDBFEMY NYTB. h lPOUFBOFYOPRPME, HZTPTSBEPN RHYLBNY UPAOYYUEULYI ZHMPFCH, BUEDBMP LHLPMSHOPE FHTEGLPE RTBCHYFEMSHUFCHP. OP CH NBMPDPUFKhROSHCHI IPMNBI Y DPMYOBI BOBFPMYKULPK "FKhTEGLPK TPDYOSCH" TSYMB "ZTHRRRB VEDOSLPCH, LPFPTBS OE IPFEMB RTYNYTYFSHUS U RPDPVOSHCHN TEYOYEN". h FFPF NPNEOF X YI VYCHKHBYOSCHI LPUFTCH CHNEUFE U OYNY VSCHM CHEMYUBCHSHCHK DHI URTBCHEDMYCHPUFY, PDEFSCHK Ch MPNPFShS Y'ZOBOOILB.
with DP UYI RPT OE RPOYNBA, LBLYN PVTBJPN UPVTBCHYYEUS CH rBTYCE CHSHCHDBAEYEUS RPMYYYUEULIE MADY CHIMSHUPO, MMPKD-dTsPTDTS, lMENBOUP Y CHEOYEMPU, MADY, NHDTPUFSH, PUF PTPTSOPUFSH Y URPUPVOPUFSH LPFPTSCHI RPDOSMY YI UFPMSh CHSHCHUPLP OBD CHUENY YI LPMMEZBNY, NPZMY TEYYFSHUS ABOUT UFPMSh OEPVDHNBOOSCHK Y ZhBFBMSHOSHCHK YBZ. NOPZYI, RPTsBMHK, YЪKHNYF FP VPMSHYPE OBYUEOYE, LPFPTPE S RTYDBA CHFPPTTSEOIA ZTELPCH CH UNYTOKH, UCHETIEOOOPNKH RP FTEVPCHBOYA UPAOYLPCH.
OBYUEOYE UNYTOULPZP RYJPDB OELPFPTPE CHTENS OE VSMP RPOSFP YTPLPK RHVMYLPK. VSHMP FBL NOPZP FBL DMS TBZPCHPTTB, RTEDUFPSMP UDEMBFSH UDEMBSHLP YOFETEUOSCHI Y CHBTSOSHCHI CHEEEK, PRIUBFSH FBL NOPZP TSEUFPLYI Y FTSMSCHI YOGYDEOPCH Y OBTYUPCHBFSH FBL NOPZP CHSHCHU PLYI YDEBMPCH, UFP RPUSCHMLB LBLYI-FP DCHHI ZTEYUEULYI DYCHYYIK CH UNYTOKH Y TBUUFTEM OEULPMSHLYI UPF FHTPL CHP CHTENS DEUBOFB OE PLBBMY OILBLPZP CHREYUBFMEOYS ABOUT PVEEUFCHEOOPE NOOYE CH ZMBCHOSHI UPAOYYUEULYI UFTBOBI. RSFSHUPF YULMAYUYFEMSHOP FBMBOFMYCHSHI LPTTEURPODEOFPCH Y RYUBFEMEK, PVYCHBCHYI RPTPZY LPOZHETEOGYY, OBUFHLYCHBMY UCHPY ChPUENSHDEUSF FSHCHUSYU UMPC CH OPYUSH, Y ChP CHUEI THLPCHPDSEYI Z BEFBI, TBURPMBZBCHYI PZTPNOSCHN FYTBTSPN, OILPZDB OE VSCHMP OEPUFBFLB CH UEOUBGYPOOSCHI ЪBZPMCHLBI. LPOEYUOP UTEDY FFYI BLZPMCHLPCH VOLUME UEVE NEUFP Y FBLPC: " ZTEYUEULYE DYCHYYY CHSHCHUBTSYCHBAFUS CH UNYTOE. fHTEGLPE UPRTPFYCHMEOYE UMPNMEOP". about UMEDHAEIK DEOSH RPSCHYMBUSH LBLBS-MYVP DTHZBS UEOUBGYS, YVP CHEDSH LBTsDSHK DEOSH OHTSOP VSMP UFP-OYVHDSH REYUBFBFSH LTHROSCHNY VHLCHBNY. OH ZBEEFSHCH, OH YUYFBFEMEK CH FFPN CHOYFSH OE RTYIPDYFUS. y YIDBFEMY, Y YUYFBFEMY VSCHMY RTEUSCHEEOSCH UEOUBGYEK, Y YYTPLBS RHVMYLB, IPFS Y YUIFBCHYBS ZBEFSHCH, DKHNBMB ZMBCHOSCHN PVTBPN P ChPUUFBOCHMEOYY UCHPYI UENEKOSCHI P YUBZCH Y P UCHPYI LPNNETYUEULYI DEMBI. EC U RPMOSCHN RTBCHPN NPTsOP VSHMP TBTEYYFSH "PFRKHUL RP OEPFMPTSOPNKH MYUOPNKH DEMKH". NSCH DPMTSOSCH FERETSH YЪMPTSYFSH OEULPMSHLP UPVSCHFIK H ITPOPMPZYUEULPN RPTSDLE. nMBDPFKhTEGLIE MYDETSCH, CHMBDSCHYUEUFCHPCHBCHYE OBD FHTGEEK PF TECHPMAGYY 1910 Z. DP LPOGB CHEMYLPK CHPKOSHCH, TBUUESMYUSH RP CHUEN UFTBOBN Y OBIPDYMYUSH CH YYZOBOYY. OCHET RPUME TYULPCHBOOSCHI RTYLMAYUEOYK Y CHPEOOSHCHI RPDCHYZPCH H FHTLEUFBOE RPZYV ABOUT RPME UTBTSEOIS. fBMBBF VSCHM BUFTEMEO H VETMYOE BTNSOYOPN, UCHETYCHYN FFPF BLF H PFNEEOOYE OBUYMYS OBD EZP UPRMENEOILBNY. dTSBCHYD CH 1926 Z. VSCHM LBOEO RPVEDPOPOOSCHN nHUFBZHPK LENBMEN Y CHPYEM ABOUT BYBZHPF, RPCHFPTSS UFTPULY UFBTYOOOPK FKhTEGLPK RPNSCH.
FERETSCH FKHTEGLPK RPMYFILE RPSCHMSEFUS OPCHBS ZhYZKhTB, DEKUFCHPCHBCHYBS OEPMZP, OP PUFBCHYCHYBS RP UEVE UMEDSCH. JETYD-RBYB CHUFKHRIM CH DPMTSOPUFSH 4 NBTFB 1919 h lPOUFBOFYOPRPME EZP PLTHTSBMY CHPEOOSHCH UHDB Y YFSHLY UPAOYLPCH. h ZPTBI nBMPK BYY HLTSCHCHBMYUSH PUFBFLY LPNYFEFB "EDYOEOYS Y RTPZTEUUB", MYYYCHYEZPUS CHUEI UCHPYI MYDETPCH. FP VSCHMY NTBYOP OBUFTPEOOSHCHE MADY Y RPYUFY ZPFCHSHCHE ABOUT CHPUUFBOYE. zhETIDH U FTHDPN HDBCHBMPUSH MBCHYTPCHBFSH NETSDH FFYNY DCHNS MBZETSNNY, U PVEYI UFPTPO PLBCHCHBCHYNY ABOUT OEZP DBCHMEOYE. BY LMBOSMUS Y YJCHYOSMUS RETED UPAOYELBNY Y CH FP CE UBNPE CHTHENS RPDDETSYCHBM DTKHTSEOLYE UOPYEOIS U OBGIPOBMYUFBNY. h CHYDE RTPFEUFB RTPFYCH PLLHRBGYY UNITOSCH ON RPDBM CH PFUFBCHLH, OP PRSFSH CHUFKHRIM CH DPMTSOPUFSH CH FPF CE UBNSCHK DEOSH. 7 YAOS PE ZMBCHE NYTOPK DEMEZBGYY PO RTYVSHCHM CH RBTYTS, YUFPVSCH IPDBFBKUFCHPCHBFSH P VPMEE UOYUIPDYFEMSHOPN PFOPYOYY L fKhTGYY. lPOZHETEOGYS DBMB ENH HOYUFPTSBAEYK PFCHEF. 1 YAMS PO OBOBYUM nHUFBZHH LENBMS ZEOETBMSHOSHCHN YOURELFPTPN H UCHETOPK YUBUFY nBMPK BYY. h BCHZHUFE Y UEOFSVTE nHUFBZHB LENBMSH UPCHBM CH ETTHNE Y UYCHBUE UYAEDEDSCH DEMEZBFPCH CHPUFPUOSCHI PVMBUFEK. 11 UEOFSVTS UYCHBUULYK LPOZTEUU PRHVMYLPCHBM NBOYZHEUF PFOPUYFEMSHOP FHTEGLYI RTBCH, RTECHTBFYCHYKUS CHRPUMEDUFCHYY CH "OBGYPOBMSHOSHCHK DPZPCHPT" OHHA IBTFYA OPCHPK fHTGYY. h LPOGE UEOFSVTS CHMBUFSH lPOUFBOFYOPRPMS OE YMB DBMSHY VETEZCH VPUZHPTTB Y nTBNPTOPZP NPTS. dBCE vTKHUUB, OBIPDYCHYBSUS CHUEZP H PDOPN YUBUE CEMEЪOPDPPTTSOPZP RHFY RP RPVETETSSHHA nTBNPTOPZP NPTS, CH PLFSVTE RETEYMB RPD CHMBUFSH BOZPTULPZP RTBCCHYFEMSHUFCHB. JETID UOPCHB RPDBM H PFUFBCHLH Y HUFHRIM NEUFP RTBCHYFEMSHUFCHH, OE OBCHYENH, OB YUSHA UFPTPOH ENH UVBFSH, ABOUT UFPTPOH MY UHMFBOB, OBIPDICHYEZPUS CH THLBI UPAOYLPCH, YMYY ABOUT UFPTPOH nHUFBZHB LENBMS Y EZP "OBGYPOBMSHOPZP DPZCHPTTB".
FEN READ GENERAL BTNY VSHCHUFTP FBSMY. h SOCHBTE 1919 Z. CHPEOOPE NYOYUFETUFCHP YNEMP EEE CH UCHPEN TBURPTSEOY RPYUFY 3 NMO. YEM. CHUE LFY CHPKULB OBIPDYMYUSH ABOUT FETTYFPTYSI YOPUFTBOOSCHI ZPUHDBTUFCH. h NBTFE PF 3 NMO. PUFBMPUSH 2 NMO., DB Y FFY VSHCHUFTP DENPVIMY'CHBMYUSH l UETEDYOE MEFB 1919 Z. X OBU OE VSHMP RPYUFY OILBLYI CHPKUL, EUMY OE UYUYFBFSH PFTSDPCH, RPUMBOOSCHI OB TEKO. ChPKULB, ChKSFSHCHE ABOUT PUOPCHBOY BLPOB P CHPYOULPK RPCHIOOPUFY, DPMTSOSCH VSHCHMY VSHCHFSH RPUMBOSCH ABOUT TPDYOKH. OPCHBS RPUFPSOOBS BTNYS OBIPDYMBUSH EEE H RTPGEUUE UPYDBOIS, B DPVTCHPMSHGSHCH DMS RPUFPSOOPK CHPEOOPC UMHTsVSHCH OBVITBMYUSH CHEUSHNB NEDMEOOP. YuETE ZPD RPUME RETENYTYS CHNEUFP DYCHYYIK CH 15-20 FSC. Yuem., UOBTSEOOSCHI DP RPUMEDOYI DEFBMEK, X OBU PUFBMYUSH VBFBMSHPOSHCH CH 500-600 Yuem. FP VSHCHUFTPE UPLTBEEOYE OBYEK CHPEOOPC UYMSCH RTPYCHPDYMP FEN VPMEE UFTBOOPE CHREYUBFMEOYE, UFP LBL TB H FP CHTENS HZTPTSBAEYE OBN PRBUOPUFY RTPSCHMSENBS L OBN CHTBTSDEVOPUFSH RPYUFY RPCHUADH KHCHEMYYUYCHBMYUSH. h DELBVTE 1919 Z. S TBPUMBM LBVYOEFKh NEPTBODKHN ZEOETTBMShOPZP YFBVB, UPPVEBCHYK P VSHCHUFTPN HNEOSHYOYY OBYYI CHPEOOSHHI UYM Y RPDYETLYCHBCHYK OYUPPFCHEFUFCHYE NETSDH OBYEK RPMYFILPK Y OBYNYNY TEBMSHOSHCHNY UYMBNY.
"rBTZTBZh 31. ChTSD MY OEEPVIPDYNP HRPNYOBFSH P FPN, YuFP U NPNEOFB CHUFHRMEOYS CH DEKUFCHYE FKhTEGLPZP RETENYTYS, BLMAYUEOOPZP 31 PLFSVTS 1918 Z., UIFKHBGYS OBYUYFEMSH OP YЪNEOYMBUSH, LBL CH UNSCHUME CHPEOOSHHI TEUKHTUPCH RTBCHYFEMSHUFCHB EZP CHEMYUEFCHB, FBL Y CH UNSCHUME RPMYFYUEULPZP RPMPTSEOIS, UPDBCHYEZPUS OB FETTYFPTYY VSHCHCHYEK fKhTEGLPK YNRETYY. eUMMY OE UYUYFBFSH CHPKUL, DEKUFCHHAEYI CH rBMEUFYOE Y NEUPRPFBNYY, FP VTYFBOULIE CHPEOOSHCH UYMSCH, YNEAEEYEUS CH OBYEN TBURPTSEOYY DMS PVEUREYEOIS NYTOSCHI HUMPCHYK, NPTsOP PRTEDEM YFSH UMEDHAEIN PVTBPN.
pDOB DYCHYYS RMAU PFDEMSHOSHCHE BTNEKULYE PFTSDSHCH (CHLMAYUBS VBFKHNULYK ZBTOYYPO). LFB DYCHYYS UPUFPIYF YЪ 13 FSC. VTYFBOGECH Y 18 FNU. YODYKGECH, CHUEZP 31 FSC. VPCGHR.
UYM FYI DPUFBFPYUOP MYYSH DMS FPZP, YUFPVSC PITBOSFSH CEMEKOPDPTTSOSCHE MOYYY. zeOETBMSHOSHCHK YFBV DPMTSEO ЪBNEFYFSH, UFP DMS DEKUFCHYK CH FKHTGIY H OBU OE YNEEFUS OILBLYI RPDLTERMEOYK, EUMY NSC OE OVETEEN OPCHSHCHE CHPKULB RHFEN PVSEBFEMSHOPK CHPYOULPK RPCHYOO PUFY YMY U RPNPESH DTHZYI UTEDUFCH.
ZEOETBMSHOSHCHK YFBV CHSHCHULBSCCHBM RP LFPNH RPCHPDH UMEDHAEYE UPPVTBTSEOIS:
"rTBCHYFEMSHUFCHP EZP CHEMYUUEUFCHB DPMTSOP UETSHEP OBUFBYCHBFSH MYYSH OB FBLYI FTEVPCHBOYSI, LPFPTSHCHE UPPFTCHEFUFCHHAF OBYYN OBMYUOSCHN TEUKHTUBN YMY TEUKHTUBN, LPFPTSHCHE NSC Y NEEN CH CHYDH UPDBFSH DMS CHSHCHRPMOEOIS LFYI HUMPCHYK.OE CHIPDS H PVUHTSDEOYE RPMYFYYUEULPK UFPTPOSCH TBMYUOSCHI CHPRTPUPCH, ZEOETBMSHOSHCHK YFBV UYUYFBEF OHTSOSCHN RETEYUMYFSH UMEDHAEYE NETSHCH, LPFPTSHCHE RP FEN YMY DTHZYN UPPVTTSHEOY SN NPZHF VSHCHFSH RTEMPTSEOSHCH, OP PUKHEEUFCHMEOYE LPFPTSCHI, UPZMBUOP YOZHPTNBGYY ZEOETBMShOPZP YFBVB, NPCEF CHSCCHBFSH OEEPVIPDYNPUFSH RPDLTERMEOYK OBYEK YUETOPNPTULPK BTNYY BYUYUE F CHPEOOSHCHI UYM UPAOYOLPCH YMIY ЪB UYUEF DBMSHOEKYI VTYFBOULYI OBVPTPHR:
1. UPDBOYE CHEMILPK bTNEOY, CH LPFPTHA CHIPDSF LYMYLYS Y TYCHBOULBS TEURHVMYLB.
2. UPDBOYE OYEBCHYUYNPZP lHTDYUFBOB.
3. rtypvtefeoye ztegyek FPK YMY YOPK YUBUFY UETOPNPTULPZP RPVETETSSHS (sic!).
4. ZTEYUEULBS PLLHRBGYS FPK YMYY YOPK YUBUFY bKDYOULPZP CHYMBKEFB.
5. rPUFPSOOBS PLLHRBHYS yFBMYEK FPK YMY DTHZPK YUBUFY ATSOPK bOBFPMYY YMYY LPOYY. CHRTPYUEN, FTHDOP ULBBFSH, CHSHCHPCHEF MY FFPF YBZ FBLPE CE TBEDTTBTSEOYE UP UFPTPOSCH FHTPL, LBL MAVPK Y'CHCHCHEHRPNSOHFSHCHI.
rPNYNP HLBBOOSCHI CHSCHIE NO, LPFPTSHCHE CHSCHPCHHF OENEDMEOOHA OHTSDH H RPDLTERMEOYY, NSC DPMTSOSCH PFNEFIFSH UMEDHAEIE DCHE NETSHCH, DEMBAEYE OEVPVIPDINSCHN UPDETSBOYE H UPPFFCHEFUFCHHAEYI NEU FBI RPUFPSOOPZP ZBTOYPOB CH FEYEEOYE OEPRTEDEMEOOOP DPMZPZP READ:
6. rtypvtefeoye ztegyek Chpufpyuopk zhTBLYY.
7. Y'ZOBOYE FHTPL Y' lPOUFBOFYOPRPMS'.
oEUNPFTS ABOUT CHUE LFY ЪBFTHDOEOIS, UPAYOYLY OE RTYOYNBMY OILBLPZP TEOYOYS Y RTEDPUFBCHMSMY UPVSCHFISN YDFY UCHPYN RHFEN. rPLB BNETYLBOULBS LPNYUUYS TBYAETSBMB RP UTEDOENKH CHPUFPLH, CHCHDCHYZBMYUSH UBNSHCHE ZHBOFBUFYUEULIE RMBOSH TBDEMB fKhTGYY. PV BOOELUISI TEYUYOE VSCHMP, OP ZMBCHOSCHN DETTSBCHBN TELPNEODPCHBMPUSH DBFSh "NBODBFSHCH", RTEDPUFBCHMSAEYE YN OEVPVIPDYNSCHK RTEMPZ DMS ZhBLFYUEULPZP CHMBDSCHYUEUFCHB. zhTBOGYS DPMTSOB VSCHMB CHSKFSH UYTYA Y LYMYLYA. yFBMYS, OYULPMSHLP OE UFEUOSSUSH, CHSHTBTSBMB OBNETEOIE ЪBOSFSH CHEUSH lBCHLB, B FBLTS RPTCHYOGYA bDBMYA CH nBMPK BYY; BOZMYS OBNETECHBMBUSH PLPOYUBFEMSHOP BLTERYFSH OB UPVPK NEUPRPFBNYA Y rBMEUFYOH, ZDE UFPSMY GENERAL BTNYY. b UFP LBUBEFUS upEDYOEOOSHCHI yFBFPCH, FP CHUE PTSYDBMY, UFP POI RTYNHF NBODBF ABOUT bTNEOIA. h SOCHBTE 1920 Z. zTEGIS, LPFPTBS YURSHCHFSHCHCHBMB OBYVPMSHYYE UBFTHDOEOIS PF FFK OEPRTEDEMEOOPUFY ZHIOBOUPCHPZP, CHPEOOPZP Y RPMYFYUEULPZP RPMPTSEOIS, OBYUBMB PVOBTKhTS YCHBFSH RTYOBLY HUFBMPUFY.
h FYI UPVMBOYFEMSHOSHI YMMAYSI RTPYEM 1919 Z. NEDMEOOP, OETEZHMSTOP, FEBFEMSHOP, CH PVUFBOPCHLE RPUFPSOOSCHI URPTCH Y YUYUETRSHCHCHBAEYI DYULKHUUK, RPDZPFCHMSMBUSH CH RBT YTSE OPCHBS LBTFB UTEDOEZP chPUFPLB Y TBTBVBFSHCHBMUS RTPELF NYTOPZP DPZCHPTTB U fHTGYEK. rTBCHYFEMSHUFCHBN RTYIPDYMPUSH TEYBFSH GEMSCHK TSD LTBKOE PUFTSHCHI CHPRTPUPCH. Ch DElbvte 1919 Z. Y Ch Sochbte 1920 Z. VTYFBOULYK LBVYOEF U VPMSHYN CHOYNBOYEN PVUHTsDBM ChPRTPU P FPN, NPTsOP MY PUFBCHYFSH UHMFBOB Ch lPOUFBOFYOPRPME ABOUT RPMPTSEOY LBMYZHB, PVU FBCHYCH FFPF RPUF VEUYUMEOOOSCHNY PZTBOYUEOISNY, YMI CE UMEDHEF CHSCHZOBFSH FHTPL Y ECHTPRSHCH "UP CHUENY YI RPTSYFLBNY" {73} . chFPTPK CHPRTPU BLMAYUBMUS CH FPN, UMEDHEF YMY OE UMEDHEF RTECHTFFYFSH NEYUEFSH UCH. UPZHYY CH ITYUFYBOULHA GETLPCHSH. ChP CHTENS LFYI DYULKHUUYK MPTD LETPO, BCCHEDPCHBCHYK NYOYUFETUFCHPN YOPUFTBOOSHI DEM, CHCHUA UTTBTSBMUS U DDCHYOPN nPOFEZA, LPFPTPZP RPDDETSYCHBMP PVEEUFCHEOOPE NOOYE YODYY, UYNRBFYY NBZPNEFBOULPZP NYTB, FHTLPZHYMSHULYE ULMPOOPUFY LPOUECHBFYCHOPK RBTFYY Y PVAYENYUFSHCHE NENPTBODHNSCH NYOYUFETUFCHB RP DEMBN YODYY.
vPTShVB CHEMBUSH YUTECHSHCHUBKOP IOETZYUOP. RP NOOYA nPOFZA, YJZOBOYE FHTPL Y LBMYZHB YL LPOUFBOFYOPRPMS, U UZMBUYS YMY IPFS VSH RTY RPRHUFYFEMSHUFCHE BOZMYY, PLPOYUBFEMSHOP DPMTSOP VSCHMP RPDPTCHBFSH Y VEI FPZ P HCE LPMEVMAEKHAUS MPSMSHOPUFSH FEI DCHHIUPF YMY FTEIUPF OBTPPDCH Y TEMYZYPYOSCHI UELF, LPFPTSCHE OBUEMSAF YODYKULYK RPMHPUFTCH. oBPVPTPF, MPTD LETPO HFCHETSDBM, UFP POY OE PVTBFSF OB LFP OILBLPZP CHOYNBOIS. oELPFPTSCHE PDPVTSF LFP, VPMSHYIOUFCHP TSE PUFBOEFUS VETBMYUOSCHN, B UFP LBUBEFUS NBZPNEFBO, EDYOUFCHEOOP BYOFETEUPCHBOOSCHI CH FFPN CHPRTPUE, FP CHEDSH POI, OYULPMSHLP OE UNKHEBSUSH, ITBVTP Y UFPKLP UTBTSBMYUSH ABOUT TBMYUOSCHI FEBFTBI CHPKOSHCH U BTNYSNY LFPZP UBNPZP LBMYZHB. rP CHPRTPUKH P UCH. UPZHYY, nPOFEZA HFCHETSDBM, UFP LFP ЪDBOYE CH FEYEOOYE 459 MEF VSCHMP Yuteechshchyubkop RPYuYFBENPK NBZPNEFBOULPK NEYUEFSHHA. FFPF DPCHPD RTPIYCHPDYM ABOUT OBU OENBMPE CHEYUBFMEOYE, RPLB MPTD LETPO OE ChPTBTSBM, UFP CHEDSH TFP UBNPE EDBOYE CH FEYEOOYE 915 MEF VSCHMP ITYUFYBOULYN ITTBNPN. DPCHPDSH RPYUFY HTBCHOPCHEYCHBMYUSH; CH OPCHPE CHTENS RTBCHP DBCHOPUFY VSCHMP ABOUT UFPTPOE NBZPNEFBO, OP IBFP RETED FEN ITYUFYBOOE CHMBDEMY ITTBNPN CH FEYEOOYE CHDCHPE VPMSHYEZP UTPLB. FP VSHCHM PYO Y FEI CHPRTPUPCH, LPFPTSCHE NPZMY VEI LPOGB DEVBFYTPCHBFSHUS HOYCHETUYFEFULYNY HYUEOSCHNY MAVPK UFTBOSHCH.
rP CHPRTPUH P lPOUFBOFYOPRPME mMPKD-dTsPTDTs VSHM RPMOPUFSHHA UPMYDBTEO U MPTDPN let'POPN. nBMP FPZP, ON DBTS RTPSCHMSM ЪDEUSH ZMBCHOKHA YOYGIBFICHH. OP Chopeoop Nyufetufchp, Rededufbchmeoop Zhemshdnbtybmpn Chimshupn, NOPA, KOBCCMSMP, YuFP X AFMDBF, BET UPMDBF NPSENBFSH FHOUFBOPRIOPMS. chNEUFE U NYOYUFETUFCHPN RP DEMBN YODYY NSCH OBUFBYCHBMY ABOUT BLMAYUEOYY NYTB U fHTGEK, NYTB OBUFPSEEZP, PLPOYUBFEMSHOPZP, B ZMBCHOPE VSHCHUFTPZP. OBN VSHCHMP DPUFBFPYuOP, UFPVSCH RTPIPD Yuete dbtdboemmshch Vshchm UCHPPDEO DMS UHDPCH CHUEI OBGYK, CHLMAYUBS Y CHPEOOSHCH UHDB. FP RPCHMELMP VSC IB UPVPA RPUFPSOOKHA PLLHRBGYA NETSDHOBTPDOSCHINY UYMBNY PVPYI VETEZCH RTPMYCHB. dms YuETE OEULPMSHLP MEF FBLBS PLLHRBHYS RETEUFBMB VSC ZHPTNBMSHOP PURBTYCHBFSHUS.
URPTSCH RP LFYN CHPRTPUBN, CHEDYEUS CH VTYFBOULPN LBVYOEFE, VSCHMY HCE PRHVMYLPCHBOSHCHP CHUEPVEEE UCHEDEOIE, CH RTEDEMBI CHPNPTSOPUFY, CH VYPZTBZHYY MPTDB LETPOB, OBRYUBOPK MP TDPN tPOBMShDUZEEN. NSC OE VKhDEF RPDTPVOP ZPCHPTYFSH P OYI ЪDEUSH. ABOUT TPTsDEUFCHE CH 1919 Z. CH mPODPOE CH ЪDBOY NYOYUFETUFCHB YOPUFTBOOSCHI DEM UPUFPSMBUSH BOZMP-ZHTBOGHULBS LPOZHETEOGYS DMS TBTEOYOYS NOZZYI EELPFMYCHSHI RTPVMEN, CHUFBCHYYI RET ED PVPYNY RTBCHYFEMSHUFCHBNY Y LBUBCHYIUS FHTGIY Y bTBCHYY. mmMPKD-dTsPTDTS, FFPF UFPMSh FETREMYCHSHCHK Y DPVTPDHYOSCHK OBYUBMSHOIL, RTY CHUEI RTECHBTYFEMSHOSHI PVUKhTSDEOYSI CHSHVYTBM PVSHCHUOP FBLYI LPMMEZ, LPFPTSHHE TBDEMSMY EZP CHZ MSDShch, YuFPVShch FBLYN PVTBBPN PVEUREYUYFSH b UPVPA VPMSHYYOUFCHP. DMS PDOPC ZHBSHCH PVUHTSDEOYK CHSHCHVYTBMYUSH PDOY MADY, B DMS DTHZPK DTHZYE. at LPOUFYFKHGYPOOPK FPYuLY ЪTEOYS LFPZP, NPTSEF VSHCHFSH, OEMSHЪS VSCHMP PDPVTYFSH, OP CH FP MYIPTBDPYUOPE CHTENS TBVPFBFSH NPTsOP VSCHMP FPMSHLP FBLYN PVTBBPN. OP LPZDB 9 SOCHBTS RTECHBTYFEMSHOBS TBVPFB VSCHMB BLPOYUEOB Y LBVYOEF NYOYUFTCH UPVTBMUS CH RPMOPN UPUFBCHE, FP RPDBCHMSAEEE VPMSHYYOUFCHP TEYMP, UFP FKhTLY DPMTSOSCH PUFBFSH US CH lPOUFBOFYOPRPME. DEVBFSCH CHEMYUSH CH ZPTBDP VPMEE ZPTSYuEN FPOE, YUEN LFP VSCCHBEF DBCE CH RBMBFE PVEYO. rTENSHET-NYOYUFT UZMBUIMUS U TEYOYEN UCHPYI LPMMEZ Y ABOUT UMEDHAEIK DEOSH UPPVEYM EZP RBTMBNEOFH, PVPUOPCHBCH EZP HVEDYFEMSHOSHCHNY BTZHNEOFBNY.
h UPPFCHEFUFCHY U U FYN uechtulyk FTBLFBF RPUFBOCHMSM, UFP lPOUFBOFYOPRPMSH DPMTSEO PUFBCHBFSHUS FHTEGLPK RTPCHYOGYEK. vPUZHPT, nTBNPTOPE NPTE Y dBTDBOEMMSCH DPMTSOSCH VSHCHMY VSHCHFSH PFLTSCHFSCH DMS CHUEI UHDPC Y OBIPDYFSHUS RPD NETSDHOBTPDOSHCHN LPOFTPMEN. LTPNE ЪBRBDOPK Y ChPUFPYuOPK zhTBLYY RPYUFY DP MYOYY yubfbmdtsy, zTEGYS RPMHYUBMB zBMMYRPMYKULYK RPMHPUFTCH Y VPMSHYIOUFCHP zZEKULYI PUFTCHCHCH. UNYTOB Y RTYMEZBAEBS L OEK PVMBUFSH RETEIPDYMY RPD HRTBCHMEOYE zTEGYY DP FEI RPT, RPLB FBN OE VHDEF RTPCHEDEO RMEVYUHYF. fHTGYS DPMTSOB VSHCHMB ChPUUFBOCHYFSH LBRYFHMSGY Y Y RETEDBFSH UCHPY CHPPTKHTSEOIS Y ZHJOBOUSHCH RPD UFTPZYK UPAOYYUEULYK LPOFTPMSH. POB DPMTSOB VSHMB RTEDPUFBCHYFSH CHUE ZBTBOFYY URTBCHEDMYCHPZP PFOPOEOYS L OBHYPOBMSHOSHCHN THEMYZYPHOSCCHN NEOSHYYOUFCHBN. zhTBOGKhSHCH DPMTSOSCH VSHCHMY RPMKHYUYFSH UYTYA, PICBYEOOKHA H FP CHTENS OEPRYUKHENSCHN CHPЪVKhTSDEOYEN; BOZMYS DPMTSOB VSHMB CHSKFSH ABOUT UEVS DPTPZPUFPSEYK Y IMPRPFMYCHSHCHK NBODBF OBD rBMEUFYOPK Y NEUPRPFBNYEK, B FBPF. pDOPCTENEOOP U RPDRYUBOYEN UECHTULPZP FTBLFBFB Y RTY HUMPCHYY EZP TBFIJYLBGYY CHEMYLPVTYFBOIS, JTBOGYS Y yFBMYS BLMAYUYMY FTEIUFPTPOOYK DPZPCHPT, RTEDPUFBCHMSCHYYK Y N CH LBYUEUFCHE UZHET CHMYSOIS FE FETTYFPTYY, LPFPTCHE VSCHMY PFCHEDEOSCH LBTsDPK Y FYI DETTSBCH UBPZMBYOYEN UBCLUB rYLP Y ABOUT LPOZHETEOGYY CH UEOF-TSBO-DE-nPTSHEO .
rPUNPFTYN, LBL TBCHETFSHCHBMYUSH UPVSCHFIS CH FP CHTENS, RPLB CHUE LFY TEOYOYS OE VSHMY EEE PRHVMYLPCHBOSHCH. xZTANSCHK LBTBCHBO ZHBLFPCH HRTSNP YEUFCHCHBM RP LBNEOYUFSHCHN DPTPZBN YuETE FTHDOPTPIPDYNSHE ULBMYUFSHCHE ZPTSCH, RP PVPTSEOOSCHN UPMOGEN RHUFSHCHOSN. ChPCHTBFYNUS TSE ABOUT NZOPCHEOYE L FYN ZHBLFBN.
12 SOCHBTS 1920 Z. H lPOUFBOFYOPRPME UPVTBMBUSH OPCHBS FHTEGLBS RBMBFB DERHFBFCH. UPAOYLY MPSMSHOP PFOPUYMYUSH L RTYOGYRKH RTEDUFBCHYFEMSHOPZP RTBCHMEOYS Y TBTEYMY FHTLBN RTPYCHPDYFSH ZPMPUCHBOYE. l OEUYUBUFSHHA, RPYUFY CHUE FHTLY ZPMPUCHBMY OE FBL, LBL OBDP. oChBS RBMBFB UPUFPSMB Ch PZTPPNPN VPMSHYYOUFCHE Y OBGIPOBMYUFCH YMY, RTPEE ZPCHPTS, Y LENBMYUFCH. RPMPTSEOYE UFBMP UFPMSh ЪBFTKhDOYFEMSHOSHCHN, UFP 21 SOCHBTS UPAYOYLY CH LBYEUFCHE NETSHCH RTBLFYUEULPK RTEDPUFPPTTSOPUFY RPFTEVPCHBMY PFUFBCHLY FKhTEGLPZP CHPEOOPZP NYOYUFTB Y OB YUBMSHOILB ZOETBMSHOPZP YFBVB. 28 SOCHBTS OPCHBS RBMBFB HFCHETDYMB Y RPDRYUBMB "OBGYPOBMSHOSHCHK DPZCHPT". h lPOUFBOFYOPRPME ZTPYMP TBTBBYFSHUS ChPUUFBOYE, b LPFPTSHCHN NPZMB RPUMEDPCHBFSH TEKOS, Y ECHTPRECULYE UPAOYLY VSCHMOHTSDEOSCH RTEDRTYOSFSH UPCNEUFOPE CHSHUFHRMEOYE . 16 NBTFB lPOUFBOFYOPRPMSH VSHCHM ЪBOSF VTYFBOULYNY, ZHTBOGKHULYNY Y FBMSHSOULYNY CHPKULBNY. zhETYDB PRSFSH HZPCHPTYMY LPE-LBL UPUFBCHYFSH RTBCHYFEMSHUFCHP, UBNPE UMBVPE Y CHUEI, LPFPTSHCHE ON LPZDB-MYVP PVTBBPCHSHCHCHBM. h LPOGE BRTEMS FKhTEGLPE OBGYPOBMSHOPE UPVTBOYE UPVTBMPUSH CH BOZPTE, CHDBMY PF UPAOSCHI ZHMPFCH Y BTNYK. 13 NBS, CH OEDPVTSHCHK DEOSH, CHEOYEMPU PRHVMYLPCHBM CH bJJOBI HUMPCHYS UECHTULPZP FTBLFBFB. h YAOE VTYFBOULBS RETEDPCHBS MYOYS ABOUT YUNYDULPN RPMHPUFTPCHE VSHMB BFBLCHBOB LENBMYKULYNY CHPKULBNY. bFBLB VSCHMB OEUETSHEOB. vTYFBOULYN PFTSDBN VSCHMP RTYLBBOP PFLTSCHFSH PZPOSH, ZHMPF, UFPSCHYYK CH nTBNPTOPN NPTE, BUSCHRBM OBRBDBCHYI UOBTSDBNY, Y LENBMYUFULYE PFTSSDCH PFUFHRIMY. OP POY PUFBMYUSH ABOUT UCHPYI RPYGISI, Y OBN UOPCHB, ABOUT FFPF TB U CHEUSHNB OEOBYUYFEMSHOSHCHNY UYMBNY, RTYYMPUSH PLBBFSHUS "RETED MYGPN OERTYSFEMS". h FFP UBNPE CHTENS ZHTBOGHHSHCH, LPFPTSHCHE, OYMPTSYCH NYTB zhEKUBMB, CHEMY LTHROSCHE UTBTSEOIS CH LYMYLYY, TEYMYMY RTPUYFSH NEUFOSHCHE FKHTEGLIE CHMBUFY P RETENYTYY. FP RTPYYPYMP CH FPF UBNSCHK DEOSH, LPZDB HUMPCHYS VHDHEEP UECHTULPZP FTBLFBFB VSCHMY PZMBIEOSCH CH bJJOBI.
CHEOYEMPU TEYIM USCZTBFSH FERESH TPMSh DPVTPK ZHEY. ABOUT CHSCHTHYULH UPAOYILBN DPMTSOB VSCHMB RTYKFY ZTEYUEULBS BTNYS. y TBULCHBTFYTPCHBOOSCHI H UNYTOE RSFY ZTEYUEULYI DYCHYYK DCHE DPMTSOSCH VSHCHMY OBRTBCHYFSHUS ABOUT ACCOUNTING Y, RTPKDS ABOUT CHPUFPL PF nTBNPTOPZP NPTS RP FTHDOPK NEUFOPUFY (LPFPTKHA, LBL X FCHETSDBMY ZTELY, POI IPTPYP OBMY), OBRBUFSH ABOUT FHTPL, HZTPTSBCHYI yUNIDULPNH RPMHPUFTCHH, Y RTPZOBFSH YI. NBTYBM ZHPY, RPDDETSYCHBENSCHK ZEOETBMSHOSHCHN IFBVPN, BSCHYM, UFP LFB PRETBGYS PRBUOB Y, RP CHUEK CHETPSFOPUFY, BLPOYUYFUS OEHDBYUK. OP MMPKD-dTsPTDTS RTYOSM RTEMPTSEOYE, Y 22 YAOS ZTEYUEULBS BTNYS OBUBMB OBUFHRMEOYE. ABOUT RETCHSCHI RPTBI FOB DECUFCHCHBMB CHRPMOE KHUREYOP. ZTEYUEULYE LPMPOOSCH, DCHYZBSUSH RP RTPUEMPUOSCHN DPTPZBN, UYUBUFMYCHP NYOPCHBMY NOPZYE FTHDOPRTPIPDYNSHCHE KHEEMSHS. RTY YI RTYVMYTSEOY FHTLY, DEKUFCHPCHBCHYE RPD THLPCHPDUFCHPN IOETZYUOSHI Y PUFPPTTSOSCHI CHPTSDEK, YUYUEMY H ZMHVSH bOBFPMYY. h OBYUBME YAMS ZTELY CHUFHRIMY CH vTHUUH. h FEYUEOYE FPZP CE NEUSGB DTHZBS ZTEYUEULBS BTNYS VSHCHUFTP RTPYMB chPUFPYUOKHA ZhTBLYA, UMPNYMB UMBVPE UPRTPFYCHMEOYE FHTEGLYI PFTSDPCH Y bbosmb bdtyboprpmsh.
UPAOYLY TBDPUFOP RTYCHEFUFCHPCHBMY LFY BLNEYUBFEMSHOSHCH Y UCHETIEOOOP OEPTSYDBOOSCHE RTPSCHMEOYS ZTEYUEULPZP CHPEOOPZP NPZHEEUFCHB. UPAOSCHE ZEOETBMSCH H YЪKHNMEOYY RTPFYTBMY ZMBB, B mmMPKD-dTsPTDTS VSCHM RPMPO IOFHYIBNB. RP-CHYDYNPNKH, PO PRSFSH PLBBMUS RTBCHSN, B CHPEOOSH LYURETFSH PYYVMYUSH, LBL LFP YUBUFP VSCHCHBMP CH bTNBZEDDPOULPK VYFCHE OBTPDCH.
UPVSCHFIS PLPOYUBFEMSHOP TEYMYMY UHDSHVKH UECHTULPZP FTBLFBFB. JETID RPUMHYOP UPDBM NYOYUFETUFCHP NBTYPOEFPL, Y 10 BCHZHUFB 1920 Z. UP CHUENY RPDPVBAEYNY GETENPOISNY H TAKE VSHCHM RPDRYUBO NYTOSHCHK DPZPCHPT U fKhTGYEK. oP FFPF DPLKhNEOF, RPDZPPFCHMSCHYKUS CH FEYEOOYE 13 NEUSGECH, HUFBTEM TBOSHIE, YUEN PO VSCHM ZPFHR. CHSHRPMOOEOYE CHUEI EZP ZMBCHOSCHI RHOLFPC ЪBCHYUEMP PF PDOPZP HUMPCHYS PF DEKUFCHYK ZTEYUEULPK BTNYY. eUMMY VSCH CHEOYEMPU Y EZP UPMDBFSCH PLBBMYUSH ZPURPDBNY RPMPTSEOIS Y UNYTYMY nHUFBZHH LENBMS, CHUE VSCHMP VShch IPTPYP. h RTPFICHOPN UMHYUBE RTYYMPUSH VSC CHSHCHTBVPFBFSH DTHZYE HUMPCHYS, VPMEE UPPFCHEFUFCHHAEYE TEBMSHOSHCHN ZhBLFBN. oblpoeg NYT U fHTGEK VSHCHM BLMAYUEO, OP DMS TBFYZHYLBGYY EZP RTYIPDYMPUSH CHEUFY CHPKOKH U fHTGYEK. OP ABOUT FFPF TB CHEMYLYE UPAOSCHE DETTSBCHSH DPMTSOSH VSCHMY CHEUFY CHPKOKH OE UBNY, B RTY RPNPEY FTEFSHEZP ZPUHDBTUFCHB YMY HRPMONPNPYUEOOPZP zTEGYY. eUMMY CHEMYLYE OBGYY CHEDHF CHPKOH FBLYN PVTBPN, FP DMS HRPMOPNPUEOOPZP POB NPTCEF PLBBFSHUS CHEUSHNB PRBUOPK.
IPFS OBUFPSEBS ZMBCHB LBUBMBUSH YULMAYUYFEMSHOP FHTEGLYI DEM, HER OEPVIPDYNP RTYCHEUFY H UCHSHSH U PVEIN RPMPTSEOYEN CH ECHTPRE. noe PUFBEFUS RTYCHEUFY ЪDEUSH RYUSHNP, LPFPTPE S OBRYUBM mMPKD-dTsPTDTSH, PFRTBCHMSSUSH ABOUT LTBFLPCHTENEOOOSCHK RBUIBMSHOSHCHK PFDSHI PE zhTBOGYA.
uETuIMSH RTENSHETT-NYOYUFTH24 NBTFB 1920 Z.
“with RYYKH LFP RYUSHNP CH RHFY YUETE MB-nBOY U FEN, YUFPVSCH CHSHCHULBBFSH CHBN NPY UPPVTBTSEOIS. rPUME BLMAYUEOYS RETENYTS S TELPNEODPCHBM FBLHA RPMYFYLH: "NYT U ZETNBOULYN OBTPDPN, CHPKOB U VPMSHYECHYUFULPK FYTBOYEK". UPOBFEMSHOP YMY RPD DBCHMEOYEN OEHNPMYNSCHI UPVSCHFIK CHSH RTPCHPDYMY RPYUFY UFP PVTBFOHA RPMYFYLH. OBS PLTHTSBAEYE CHBU FTHDOPUFY, CHBYE HNEOYE Y MYUOKHA IOETZYA, OBUFPMSHLP RTECHPUIPDSEYE NPY UPVUFCHEOOSHCHE, SOE PUKHTSDBA CHBYEK RPMYFYLY YOE ZPCHPTA, UFP S RPUFHRIM VSHCH MH YUYYYYMY LFP-MYVP DTKhZPK NPZ VSH RPUFKHRIFSH MKHYUYE CBU. OP FERESH NSCH SUOP CHYDYN TEIKHMSHFBFSCH. TEHMSHFBFSCH LFY HTSBUOSCH. h ULPTPN READING OBN, VShFSH NPTSEF, ZTPYF CHUEPVEYK LTBI Y BOBTIYS PE CHUK ECHTPR Y BYY. tPUUYS HCE RPZYVMB. CHUE, UFP PUFBMPUSH PF OEE, OBIPDYFUS CHP CHMBUFY SDPCHYFSHCHI ENEK. OP ZETNBOYA EEE, VShchFsh NPTsEF, ChPNPTSOP URBUFY. u VPMSHYN YUKHCHUFCHPN PVMEZYUEOYS S DKHNBM, YuFP NShch NPTSEN UPCHNEUFOP PVDHNSCHCHBFSH Y RTCHPDYFSH RMBOSH PFOPUYFEMSHOP ZETNBOYY Y UFP CHSH UZMBUOSCH UDEMBFSH KHUYMYE DMS FPZP, YUFPVSH Y ЪVBCHYFSH ZETNBOYA PF HER UFTBYOPK UHDSHVSHCH. eUMY LFB UHDSHVB RPUFYZOEF EE, FP FP CE UBNPE NPCEF RPUFYZOHFSH Y DTHZYE UFTBOSHCH. b TBI FBL, FP DEKUFCHPCHBFSH OKHTSOP VSHCHUFTP Y RTPUFP. ChSCH DPMTSOSCH VSHCHMY VSC ULBBFSH JTBOGYY, UFP NSC BLMAYUYMY U OEK PVPTPOYFEMSHOSHCHK UPA RTPFICH ZETNBOY, OP MYMYSH RTY FPN KHUMPCHYY, EUMY POB UPCHETEOOP YNEOIF UCHPA FBLFILE H L ZETNBOY Y YULTEOOP RTYOBEF VTYFBOULHA RPMYFYLH DTHCEULPK RPNPEY YFPK UFTBOE. ъBFEN CHSH DPMTSOSCH VSCHMY VS RPUMBFSH H VETMYO LBLPZP-MYVP LTHROPZP DESFEMS, UFPVSCH LPOUPMYDYTPCHBFSH BOFYURBTFBLYUFULIE Y BOFIMADEODPTZHULYE EMENEOFSHCH CH UYMSHOSHCHK GEO FTP-MECHSHCHK VMPL. DMS LFPZP CH NPZMY VSC CHPURPMShЪPCHBFSHUS DCHNS UTEDUFCHBNY: PE-RETCHSHI, RTPPDCHPMSHUFCHYEN Y LTEDIFPN, LPFPTSCHE NSC DPMTSOSCH RTEDPUFBCHYFSH ZETNBOY, OEUNPFTS ABOUT GENERAL UPVUFCHE OOSCHE VBFTHDOEOIS (LPFPTSCHE CH RTPFICHOPN UMHYUBE EEE VPMEE HUIMSFUS), ChP-CHFPTSCHI, PVEEBOYEN CH ULPTPN CHTENEOY RETEUNPFTEFSH NYTOSHCHK FTBLFBF ABOUT LPOZHETEOGYY, LHDB OPCHBS ZETNBOIS VHDEF RTYCHMEYUEOB CH LBYUEUFCHE TBCHOPRTTBCHOPZP HYBUFOILB CH CHPUUFBOPCMEOYY ECTPRSCH {74} . u RPNPESHA LFYI UTEDUFCH NPTsOP VKhDEF PVYAEDOYFSH CHUE DPVTPRPTSDPUOSCHE Y HUFPKYUYCHSHCHE MENEOFSHCH ZETNBOULPK OBGYY, YUFP RPUMKhTSYF L EE UPVUFCHEOOPNKH URBUEOOYA Y L URBUEOOYA CHUEK ECH TPRSCH. with NPMAUSH FPMSHLP P FPN, YuFPVSCH CHUE LFP OE VSHMP UDEMBOP UMYYLPN RPDOP.
oEUPNOEOOP, TBDY FFPZP ZPTBJDP VPMEE UFPYF TYULOKHFSH CHBYEK RPMYFYUEULPK LBTSHETPK, YUEN TBDY CHOKHFTEOOYI RBTFYKOSCHI LPNVYOBGYK, LBL VSHCH CHBTSOSH POY OH VSHMY. eumy ffp DEMP HDBUFUS PUKHEEUFCHYFSH, EZP TEEKHMSHFBFSCH UBNSCHN UETHEOSCHN PVTBPN PFTBYSFUS OB CHUK NYTPCHPK UIFHBGYY, LBL CHOKHFTY UFTBOSHCH, FBL Y CHOE EE. NPK RMBO RTEDRPMBZBEF PFLTSCHFPE Y TEYFEMSHOPE CHSHUFHRMEOYE VTYFBOY RPD CHBYN THLPCHPDUFCHPN, RTYUEN CH UMHYUBE OEEPVIPDYNPUFY CHSHUFHRMEOYE LFP NPTSEF VSHCHFSh UDEMBOP YOEEB CHUINP PF DTHZYI UFTBO. RTY FBLYI HUMPCHYSI S U TBDPUFSHHA RPYEM VSC BL CHBNY, IPFS VSC Y TYULHS FSTSEMSCHNY RPMYFYUEULYNY RPUMEDUFCHYSNY. OP S HCHETEO, UFP FBLYI RPUMEDUFCHYK OE VKHDEF, YVP CH FEYUEOYE VMYTSBKYI OEULPMSHLYI NEUSGECH UHDSHVSHCH ECHTPRSCH CHUE EEE VHDHF PUFBCHBFSHUS H THLBI bozmyy.
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RP UTBCHOEOYA U ZETNBOYEK tPUUYS RTEDUFBCHMSEF NEOSHYKHA CHBTSOPUFSH, B RP UTBCHOEOYA U tPUUYEK fKhTGYS UPCHUEN OE CHBTSOB. OP CHBYB RPMYFYLB RP PFOPIEOYA L FKHTGIY FTECHPTSYF NEOS. oEUNPFTS ABOUT FP, UFP LBVYOEF UPLTBFYM GENERAL CHPEOOSCHE TEUKHTUSCH DP UBNSHCHI OEOBBYUYFEMSHOSHCHI TBNETCH, NSC, THLPCHPDS Ch fHTGYY NYT, DMS PUKHEEUFCHMEOYS LPFPTPZP RPFTEVPCHBMYUSH VSC VPMSHYYE Y NPZHEUFCHEOOOSCHE BTNYY, DPMZYE, DPTPZPUFPSEYE CHPEOOSH PRETBGY Y RTPDPMTSYFEMSHOBS PLLHRBHYS . h PVUFBOPCLE, RPMOPK TBDPTCH, S VPAUSH, LPZDB CHYTSKH, UFP CHSH RHULBEFE CH DEMP ZTEYUEULIE BTNYY. with VPAUSH IB CHUEI Y CH FPN YUYUME, LPOEYUOP, IB ZTELPCH. b Ch FP TSE CHTENS ZTEYUEULYE BTNYY EDYOUFCHEOOOBS DEKUFCHYFEMSHOBS VPECBS UYMB, YNEAEBSUS CH CHBYEN TBURPTSEOYY. LBL VHDEN NSC LPTNYFSH lPOUFBOFYOPRPMSH, EUMY CEMEЪOPDPPTTSOSHE MYOYY CH nBMPK BYY VHDHF RETETEBOSCHI Y UYAEUFOSHCH RTYRBUSCHOE VHDHF RPDCHEOEOSCH? LFP VKhDEF RMBFYFSH ЪB OII? at LBLPZP TSCHOLB VKHDEF RPUFHRBFSH IMEV? s PRBUBAUSH, YuFP ChBN RTYDEFUS OEUFY PFCHEFUFCHEOOPUFSH ЪB FFPF CHEMYLYK ZPTPD, LPZDB ChP CHUEI PLTHTSBAEYI PVMBUFSI VHDEF UCHYTERUFCHPCHBFSH RBTFY'BOULBS CHPKOB Y RTPCHPDYFSH US VMPLBDB. CHPF RPYUENKh S UPCHEFHA PUFPPTTSOPUFSH Y RPMYFYLH HNYTPFCHPTEOIS. rPUFBTBCFEUSH UPDBFSH DEKUFCHYFEMSHOP RTEDUFBCHYFEMSHOPE FHTEGLPE RTBCHYFEMSHUFCHP Y DPZCHPTYFEUSH U OIN. h UCHPEN OBUFPSEEN CHYDE FKHTEGLYK FTBLFBF PVP-OBYUBEF OEPRTEDEMEOOP DPMZHA BOBTIYA.
Winston Spencer Churchill
world crisis
Winston Churchill
world crisis
The World Crisis 1918–1925
By the Rt. Hor. Winston S. Churchill C.H., M.P.
Foreword
The generals and politicians of imperialism are summing up the results of the old imperialist war and intervention against the country of the Soviets.
Winners and vanquished, allies and rivals, enemies and recent friends write volume after volume, contradicting each other, correcting each other, supplementing and refuting. American gen. Pershing disputes Foch's victory laurels; Foch had recently denounced Clemenceau; Clemenceau sheds light on the behind-the-scenes history of the war, revealing, by the way, in the latter the role and behavior of the British army and its leaders, while the former British Minister of War Churchill defames the testimony of both.
But the results are usually summed up before a new undertaking.
Angry at America, bulging England out of all corners of her former hegemony, frightened beyond measure by the growing activity of France, but mainly losing his temper under the impression of the stormy successes of socialist construction in the USSR, Churchill openly blurted out that new “undertaking”, for which they are summing up.
“History shows,” Churchill ended his five-volume work on war, “that war is the destiny of the human race. Except only for brief and occasional breaks, there has never been peace on earth.”
If the imperialist leaders themselves, albeit out of balance, blurt out their secret preparations, then one can imagine what is actually happening.
And the “case” is easily illuminated by official figures.
The US regular army now has 136,037 officers and soldiers instead of 100,000 in August 1914. The National Guard, which is part of the federal military forces, has 184,371 instead of 120,000 in 1914. In addition, America is constantly increasing its officer reserve corps, in tasks which includes instruction and training of young personnel. This corps has 113,523 officers.
In total, together with the US Navy, they have an army:
America, which had almost no army by 1914, more than doubled its army. US imperialism is being "disarmed" at such a feverish pace in this period of "perpetual peace" and permanent disarmament commissions.
In England the situation is somewhat different, but only at first and, moreover, a superficial glance. England has somewhat reduced its army compared to 1914.
The numbers don't lie, says the old one English proverb, but liars can do tricks with numbers. The British Social-Fascists, His Majesty's recent ministers and liberal pacifists have presented and continue to present the fact of a temporary reduction in the army as a reduction in armaments. With sanctimonious hypocrisy, the "workers' government" poked this reduction everywhere, opposing it to the growth of the armaments of other countries.
The focus, however, is quickly revealed if we move from absolute figures on the composition of the army to other indicators of the growth of the army, for example, to military spending.
England reduced its army, but increased its spending on the remaining army by more than 100%.
The British social-fascist traitors, hypocritically sticking out their "reduction" from day to day, keep silent about the extraordinary growth of military expenditures, keep silent about the fact that out of every £100. 70% of the taxes go to war, and finally they don't say where these millions of pounds sterling, squeezed out of the workers, are going.
By reducing its army, Britain, like all imperialist countries, is mechanizing it, supplying it with more powerful weapons of destruction. It is enough to look only at the increase in the number of guns, tanks and airplanes.
How far the mechanization of armies has gone can be judged by the American cavalry.
“As an example of the effectiveness of motorized units,” one prominent military man in America recently wrote, “it can be judged by the fact that the 300-mile march from Fort Yustis in Virginia to Fort Bragg in North Carolina was made in two days versus 25 on horseback.” The Communist. July 1931 No. 7. P. 585.
With all this, it is necessary to take into account the enormous scope in the development of the chemical industry, information about which is extremely scarcely published in the press. Only by unofficial or indirect data can one judge how rapidly the chemical industry is developing. But even according to official data, the state chemical industry of England received in 1927 £4,560,225. profits, in 1928 - already almost 6 million pounds. Art., and next year more than 6.5 million.
“We,” Mond, chairman of the chemical industry trust, said at a meeting about the opening of a new largest chemical factory, “we have forever guaranteed England from the extremely dangerous explosives to which she was exposed in last war and we are confident that we will be able to maintain our position in the field going forward.”
In a word: "the world rots, and the army feeds." The world crisis is destroying the productive forces of the imperialist countries, throwing the economy to the level late XIX century, oppresses and suffocates hundreds of millions of working people, dooms more than 40 million unemployed to starvation, slow, painful death, and the war industry, the industry of destruction and death, flourishes on an unprecedented scale. New military factories are being built, old ones are being feverishly reorganized, raw materials for the production of explosives are being bought up, innumerable stocks of rifles, machine guns, cannons, tanks, airplanes are being collected in military depots.
Outstripping each other, spurred on by the deepening of imperialist contradictions, spurred on by the growing revolutionary upsurge in the rear and the rapid growth of socialism in the USSR, the world predators of imperialism are ready to blow up the war at any moment, creating such a tense situation in which, in a popular expression, the guns themselves can start firing.
"Peculiarity this moment, - Comrade Molotov said at the opening of the 17th Conference of the CPSU (b), - lies in the fact that the line between a peaceful situation and war is increasingly blurred, - they crawl into a war and fight without an open declaration of war.
Japan strangles Manchuria, destroys and blows up Shanghai, but does not "fight". The Chinese 19th Army near Shanghai perishes under the blows of Japanese units, stubbornly defends itself, but does not "fight". There is no war, there is the defense of one's "blood interests," the imperialist politicians and their social-fascist agents are pouring in all directions at dozens of disarmament conferences, concealing the imperialist preparations.
Against whom are the feverish preparations for war directed? Churchill's book answers this very question.
Churchill is one of the most extreme and consistent "stubborn" in England. With astonishing tenacity, Churchill offers day after day the same salvation from the crisis and all the contradictions of capitalism. Today in the English press, tomorrow in the German; now in an Italian magazine, now in a French interview, at a rally or in a report, like the ancient Roman censor Cato, who repeated in all cases of life: “Carthage must be destroyed!” Churchill tirelessly calls for the defeat of Soviet power.
But this is not what makes his books interesting for us: the hardness of the forehead of modern Cato is too little merit for the translation of his work.
Churchill was a member of the Cabinet of Ministers of England during the war, was Minister of War during the period of intervention, knew, saw, and, most importantly, did much of what we need to know in order to understand, and therefore to fight against a new war and intervention.
In the imperialist war of 1914-1918. England succeeded in crushing its main enemy, Germany, but the defeat of Germany did not solve the problem of world hegemony: in place of the defeated German imperialism, new rivals appeared - the grown and strengthened France, and especially the young and predatory imperialism of the United States of North America.
America mobilized a huge army for war, supplied it with colossal means of destruction, reorganized its entire industry to supply it, but committed and expended only the smallest part of its forces. At the end of the war, a recent ally stood up as a formidable adversary in front of an exhausted winner. The enemy, armed to the teeth, with fresh, inexhaustible strength, made demands for booty in accordance with his strength, and British imperialism, barely able to get the bones out of a long-term dump, again found itself before a new war with a much stronger rival. Printed "Memoirs" of Churchill, which make up the fifth and last volume of his work The World crisis, The Aftermath. Winston S. Churchill.
Just dedicated to the characteristics of this new opponent.
As long as Wilson's 14 points, in which US imperialism outlined its principles for the redivision of the world, were of a general nature, Britain put up with the fact that the peace initiative had been wrested from her hands. But the Germans were brought to their knees. General humane principles had to be clothed in the blood and flesh of new annexations and indemnities, and here the deepest contradictions between the participants in the robbery immediately showed up.
Peace Congress, which gathered "allies" after the war - good illustration to Krylov's fable "Friendship", where friends, lavishing sugary and loving compliments on each other, fought over the very first bone.
Here, for example, is the meeting on the question of the Saar basin:
“So,” Wilson said to Clemenceau, who insisted on the full satisfaction of French demands, “if France does not get what she wants, she will refuse to deal with us? If this is so, then you obviously want me to return home?
“I don't want you to come home. I intend to leave myself, ”Clemenceau interrupted him and left the meeting. The congress, however, took place in Paris and Clemenceau was regarded as the master. I had to stop the meeting and send a delegation for Clemenceau.
A similar incident occurred when the question of joining Fiume was being discussed; the Italian minister Orlando, angry with the intransigence of the "allies", also left the meeting, but they did not stand on ceremony with this - they did not send an invitation to return to the meeting.
This is only, so to speak, the background against which the work of the "friendly" congress unfolded. The real scandal broke out over the question of reparations and the freedom of the seas.
It was clear that Germany had to pay the costs of the war. But how? In order to pay all the expenses, Germany had to restore her entire production apparatus, and with the restored industry, Germany returned again to the ranks of major rivals. British diplomats understood this contradiction and did not really insist on large sums of indemnity.
Little of.
Having brought Germany to its knees, the British diplomats were by no means striving to completely wipe it off the face of the earth: for a future war, England needed a strangled, but not completely strangled, Germany as a possible ally. Moreover, Lloyd George was afraid that too difficult peace conditions would throw Germany into the hands of the Spartacists.
France reared up against English policy. Yes, and in England itself there were voices of protest. When Churchill, speaking at one of the rallies on the issue of indemnity, mentioned the figure of 2 billion, one English chamber of commerce sent a telegraphic request: "Did you forget to put another zero in your indemnity figure?"
The French began to fill the price. From 2 billion to 14, 16, 80 - the numbers frantically jumped up as the results of the "victory" became clear. Congress did not name the exact number of robbery: they did not agree.
America in this quarrel of yesterday's "friends" occupied a special position. In trying to seize Germany into its own hands, America did not touch the question of reparations at all. It was only after repeated demands and instructions from Lloyd George that there was no question of reparations in Wilson's 14 points that the American representative, Colonel House, backtracked and remarked that in the end the Allies could deduct whatever they wanted in the 14 points.
Particularly sharp aggravation was caused by the second point - the freedom of the seas. For young, wealthy America, the freedom of the seas meant the freedom of competition, in which a full-blooded dollar would easily overcome the pound sterling. But for England, the freedom of the seas meant the destruction of her hegemony at sea. Lloyd George categorically spoke out against the principle of freedom of the seas. There was a major skirmish, in which Colonel House said: "We will probably have to answer the Germans that the Allies do not agree to peace."
When asked by Clemenceau what this meant, a cynical answer followed: a separate peace between America and Germany.
The dispute did not end until Wilson arrived from America. The latter ultimatum demanded the adoption of 14 points, but Lloyd George again spoke out against the freedom of the seas and for reparations.
Colonel House adds in his work that Lloyd George allegedly declared: "I will spend my last guinea, but I will achieve the superiority of our fleet over any other."
The rivalry between America and England became the central point of the peace treaty. Prolonged discussions flared up on every, often trifling, issue: on the question of the language of the meetings, whether the press should be without censorship, etc.
At the congress, for example, Wilson spoke out sharply against any secret treaties concluded by the "allies" during the war. On this occasion, Churchill writes very venomously:
“Every person has the right to stand on the shore and calmly look at the drowning man; but if during these long painful minutes the spectator does not even bother to throw a rope to a person struggling with the current, then one has to excuse the swimmer if he rudely and clumsily grabs first one stone, then another. An impassive observer, who later became a devoted and ardent comrade and a brave liberator, has no right to pose as an impartial judge in assessing events that would never have happened if he had extended a helping hand in time.
The whole book is full of such places. Churchill casually pinches American historians, snaps and offends American politicians even where their role is completely invisible, taunts and mocks the more sharply, the more the impotence of England in this duel with America is manifested.
A fine stylist - one of the conservative newspapers called Churchl a modern Macaulay - he maliciously ridicules American diplomacy, hiding the bitterness of defeat behind his sarcasm.
“According to Mr. Stannard Becker—Churchill characterizes the American historiographers of the war—the question was: ‘What are democracies to do with diplomacy?’ On one side stood the young American democracy of 100 million. On the other side, the stubborn and even vicious diplomacy of old Europe gathered furtively. On one side are young, healthy, sincere, ardent millions, confidently stepping forward to reform humanity, on the other, cunning, insidious, intriguing diplomats in high collars and gold embroidery, stubbornly shunning bright lights, photographic cameras and cinematographic apparatus.
Painting! A curtain! Music, be quiet! Sobs in the audience, and then chocolate!”
In the light of contemporary events, these "literary exercises" of the old warmonger take on a sinister character. The social-fascist lackeys of imperialism squeal unanimously and interruptedly about softening the contradictions in the imperialist world, about the impossibility of a new war. The darker the political horizon becomes, the more often the imperialists rattling their weapons, the louder the barking of the watchdogs of imperialism about the "peaceful era", about the peaceful policy of the League of Nations becomes. And the master of interventionism, Churchill, in a businesslike, rude and decisive way, violates "peaceful" music, openly reveals imperialist contradictions and directly indicates the true intentions of imperialist predators.
However, the exposure of imperialist contradictions is only one side of Churchill's work. The other one is incomparably more important.
"Anger is a bad adviser" - this banal proverb involuntarily comes to mind when you read Churchill's memoirs.
Churchill, in his irritation at America, which was stubbornly knocking England out of her world positions, blurted out much more than he himself wanted to say. Indeed, when two fight, the third one wins: what, according to English traditions, can only be published after 50 years, has seen the light now. And there was something to hide.
Churchill was the Minister of War of England just during the years of the Civil War and intervention, in his hands were the threads of this entire respectable enterprise, he had, as he himself admitted in a conversation with Savinkov, a direct connection with Denikin, Kolchak.
Not everything that Churchill said is of equal freshness, not everything is new to us. Long ago, and without all the documents, Lenin gave the key to understanding the nature and purpose of the intervention when he wrote:
"They have one thought: lest the sparks of our fire fall on their roofs." Lenin V. I. Works. Ed. 2nd and 3rd. T. XXII. S. 249.
The value of Churchill's memoirs is not in the recognition of the tremendous revolutionary significance of the Russian revolution.
“The events that took place in Russia,” writes Churchill, “the doctrines and slogans disseminated in abundance by Moscow, for millions of people in every country seemed like ideas promising to create a new bright world of Brotherhood, Equality and Science. Destructive elements everywhere showed activity and found a response. So many terrible things happened, there was such a terrible collapse of established systems, peoples suffered for so long that tremors, almost convulsions, shook everyone. state organization(see Churchill's preface).
The value of the memoirs lies in the fact that they reveal the plans for intervention and the methods of carrying it out, expose the contradictions within the interventionist camp, and shed light on the results of the enterprise from this angle. All this gives Churchill's writings an actual political character.
Let's start with how the intervention against Soviet Russia began.
How much paper was covered in bourgeois newspapers to prove that the intervention began with the aim ... to help "Czecho-Slovaks attacked by armed Austro-German prisoners" in Siberia. Suffice it to recall Wilson's official appeal on the goals of intervention, published by him on August 3, 1918, during the landing in Vladivostok. The appeal is attached to the book: Shuman Fr.
