Reign of Nicholas II (briefly)

Reign of Nicholas II (briefly)

Nicholas II, the son of Alexander III, was the last emperor of the Russian Empire and ruled from May 18, 1868 to July 17, 1918. He was able to get an excellent education, was fluent in several foreign languages, and was also able to rise to the rank of colonel in the Russian army, field marshal and admiral of the fleet of the British army. Nicholas had to take the throne after the sudden death of his father. At that time, the young man was twenty-six years old.

From childhood, Nicholas was prepared for the role of the future ruler. In 1894, a month after the death of his father, he marries the German princess Alice of Hesse, later known as Alexandra Feodorovna. Two years later, the official coronation took place, which took place in mourning, because due to the huge crush, many people died who wanted to see the new emperor with their own eyes.

The emperor had five children (four daughters and a son). Despite the fact that doctors discovered hemophilia in Alexei (son), he, like his father, was prepared to rule the Russian Empire.

During the reign of Nicholas II, Russia was in the stage of economic ascension, but the political situation inside the country worsened every day. It was the failure of the emperor as a ruler that led to internal unrest. As a result, after the dispersal of the workers' rally on January 9, 1905 (this event is also known as "Bloody Sunday"), the state was on fire with revolutionary sentiments. The revolution of 1905-1907 took place. The result of these events is the nickname among the people of the king, whom people dubbed Nicholas "Bloody".

In 1914, the First World War began, which had a negative impact on the state of Russia and aggravated the already unstable political situation. The unsuccessful military operations of Nicholas II lead to the fact that in 1917 an uprising begins in Petrograd, the result of which was the abdication of the king from the throne.

In the early spring of 1917, the entire royal family was taken under arrest, and later sent into exile. The execution of the whole family took place on the night of the sixteenth to the seventeenth of July.

Here are the main reforms during the reign of Nicholas II:

· Management: formed the State Duma, and the people received civil rights.

· Military reform, carried out after the defeat in the war with Japan.

· Agrarian reform: land was assigned to private peasants, not to communities.

Nicholas II - the last Russian emperor. It was on it that the three-hundred-year history of the rule of Russia by the House of Romanov was stopped. He was the eldest son of the imperial couple Alexander III and Maria Feodorovna Romanov.

After the tragic death of his grandfather - Alexander II, Nikolai Alexandrovich officially became the heir to the Russian throne. Already in childhood, he was distinguished by great religiosity. Relatives of Nicholas noted that the future emperor had "a soul pure as crystal, and passionately loving everyone."

He himself loved to go to church and pray. He really liked to light and place candles in front of the images. The Tsarevich followed the process very carefully and, as the candles burned, extinguished them and tried to do it in such a way that the cinder smoked as little as possible.

At the service, Nikolai liked to sing along to the church choir, knew many prayers, and had certain musical skills. The future Russian emperor grew up as a thoughtful and shy boy. At the same time, he was always persistent and firm in his views and convictions.

Despite his childhood years, already then Nicholas II was inherent in self-control. It happened that during the games with the boys, there were some misunderstandings. In order not to say too much in a fit of anger, Nicholas II simply went to his room and took up books. Having calmed down, he returned to his friends and to the game, and as if nothing had happened before.

Alexander III paid much attention to the education of his son. Nicholas II studied various sciences for a long time. Particular importance was given to military affairs. Nikolai Alexandrovich was at military training more than once, then he served in the Preobrazhensky Regiment.

Military affairs was a great hobby of Nicholas II. Alexander III, as his son grew up, took him to meetings of the State Council and the Cabinet of Ministers of the Russian Empire. Nicholas felt a great responsibility.

A sense of responsibility for the country forced Nikolai to study hard. The future emperor did not part with the book, and also mastered a complex of political, economic, legal and military sciences.

Soon Nikolai Alexandrovich went to trip around the world. In 1891 he traveled to Japan, where he visited the monk Terakuto. The monk predicted: - “Danger hovers over your head, but death will recede, and the cane will be stronger than the sword. And the cane will shine with brilliance ... "

After some time, an attempt was made on the life of Nicholas II in Kyoto. A Japanese fanatic hit the heir to the Russian throne with a saber on the head, the blade slipped, and Nikolai escaped with only a cut. Immediately, George (a Greek prince who traveled with Nicholas) hit the Japanese with his cane. The emperor was saved. Terakuto's prophecy came true, the cane also shone. Alexander III asked George for a while, and soon returned it to him, but already in a gold edging with diamonds ...

In 1891 in Russian Empire there was a crop failure. Nicholas II stood at the head of a committee to collect donations for the starving. He saw human grief, and worked tirelessly to help his people.

In the spring of 1894, Nicholas II received the blessing of his parents to marry Alice of Hesse - Darmstadt (future Empress Alexandra Feodorovna Romanova). Alice's arrival in Russia coincided with the illness of Alexander III. Soon the Emperor died. During his illness, Nikolai did not leave his father a single step. Alice converted to Orthodoxy, and was named Alexandra Feodorovna. Then the wedding ceremony of Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov and Alexandra Feodorovna took place, which took place in the church of the Winter Palace.

Nicholas II was crowned king on May 14, 1896. After the wedding, a tragedy occurred on the Khodynka field, where thousands of Muscovites came. There was a huge stampede, many people died, many were injured. This event went down in history under the name - "Bloody Sunday".

One of the first cases of Nicholas II on the throne was an appeal to all the leading powers of the world. The Russian Tsar proposed to reduce armaments and create an arbitration court in order to avoid major conflicts. A conference was convened at The Hague, at which general principle resolution of international conflicts.

Once the emperor asked the head of the gendarmes when the revolution would break out. The chief gendarme replied that if 50,000 executions were carried out, then the revolution could be forgotten. Nikolai Aleksandrovich was shocked by such a statement, and rejected it with horror. This testifies to his humanity, that in his life he was driven only by truly Christian motives.

During the reign of Nicholas II, about four thousand people turned out to be on the chopping block. Criminals who committed especially serious crimes - murders, robberies were subjected to executions. There was no blood on his hands. These criminals were punished by the same law that punishes criminals throughout the civilized world.

Nicholas II often applied humanity to the revolutionaries. There was a case where the fiancée of a student sentenced to death because of revolutionary activity, filed a petition to the adjutant of Nikolai Alexandrovich to pardon the groom, due to the fact that he is sick with tuberculosis and will soon die anyway. The execution of the sentence was scheduled for the next day ...

The adjutant had to show great courage, asking to call the sovereign from the bedroom. After listening, Nicholas II ordered to suspend the sentence. The emperor praised the adjutant for his courage, and for helping the sovereign to do a good deed. Nikolai Alexandrovich not only pardoned the student, but also sent him to Crimea for treatment with his own money.

I will give another example of the humanity of Nicholas II. One Jewish woman did not have the right to enter the capital of the empire. In St. Petersburg she had a sick son. Then she turned to the sovereign, and he granted her request. “There cannot be such a law that would not allow a mother to come to her sick son,” said Nikolai Aleksandrovich.

The last Russian Emperor was a true Christian. He was characterized by meekness, modesty, simplicity, kindness ... Many of his qualities were perceived as a weakness of character. Which was far from true.

Under Nicholas II, the Russian Empire developed dynamically. During the years of his reign, several vital reforms were carried out. Witte's monetary reform made the ruble the world's leading currency. Stolypin's agrarian reform promised to delay the revolution for a long time, and was generally very progressive.

Also, under Nikolai Aleksandrovich Romanov, the State Duma appeared in Russia, although, of course, this measure was forced. The economic and industrial development of the country under Nicholas II proceeded by leaps and bounds. He was very meticulous about state affairs. He himself constantly worked with all the papers, and did not have a secretary. The sovereign even applied stamps on envelopes with his own hand.

Nikolai Alexandrovich was an exemplary family man - the father of four daughters and one son. Grand Duchesses: Olga, Tatyana, Maria, Anastasia doted on their father. Nicholas II had a special relationship with Tsarevich Alexei. The emperor took him to military reviews, and during the First World War, he took him to Headquarters.

Nicholas II was born on the feast day of the holy long-suffering Job. Nikolai Alexandrovich himself said more than once that he was destined to suffer all his life, like Job. And so it happened. The emperor happened to survive revolutions, the war with Japan, the First World War, the illness of the heir - Tsarevich Alexei, the death of loyal subjects - civil servants at the hands of terrorists - revolutionaries.

Nikolai and his family ended their earthly journey in the basement of the Ipatiev House in Yekaterinburg. The family of Nicholas II was brutally murdered by the Bolsheviks on July 17, 1918. In the post-Soviet period, members of the Imperial family were canonized as saints of the Russian Orthodox Church .

Department of Education of the City of Moscow

College of Education No. 1 im. K.D. Ushinsky

Course work

Topic: Nicholas II as a person

Sinkevich Olga Stanislavovna

Moscow, 2006

Introduction

Tsesarevich Nicholas

1 Father and mother

2 Upbringing and education

3 Alexandra Feodorovna

Emperor Nicholas II

1 Taking office

3 Crash

Conclusion

References

Introduction

Nicholas II is the most tragic figure among the Russian monarchs of modern times. He, like no other, had to experience the difficulties that befell the monarchy in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The personality of this emperor was of particular interest to Russians in the years after the Great October revolution. The first wave of books, pamphlets and articles about him falls on 1917-1918. Their authors were mainly representatives of the liberal intelligentsia. All this literature had a pronounced revealing character: it contains a huge number of examples of duplicity, deceit, cruelty, heartlessness of the king. Much is said about the allegedly insufficient education of the former sovereign, about the low level of his culture, about his naivety in state affairs.

In the 1920s, more serious, analytical works appeared on the personality of Nicholas II and his entourage. Among them are such books as "The Last Romanovs" by S. Lyubosh, "The Romanovs" by I. Vasilevsky, "Nicholas II" by N. Firsov. Many documentary materials were published - a five-volume correspondence between the king and queen, diaries and memoirs of contemporaries. Subsequently, interest in the personality of Nikolai faded away, and for almost several decades new literature it was not published.

A new wave of works about the last Russian emperor came in the 60s of the XX century.

Many domestic and foreign historians tried to explain why the social, economic, foreign and domestic political problems during the reign of Nicholas II led to popular upheavals, a change in power and the political system in the country. And, of course, attempts to clarify some aspects of the emperor's personality, attempts to understand the motives of his actions and state deeds, as a person and ruler, provided assistance in this, which is difficult to overestimate.

There are many conflicting opinions about the spiritual appearance of Nicholas II. To some scientists and historians, he appears as a completely ignorant, weak-willed and unstable person, who does not understand anything in politics, who turned out to be in the wrong place at the wrong time. Others see him as a naive and careless child, unable to fully understand the seriousness of the events taking place in the country. Some consider him a talented politician, a man of extraordinary intelligence and an open and simple soul. Many say that Nicholas II was a tyrant and oppressor of the masses, for which the people pronounced their just sentence on him.

It seemed to us very interesting, following the historians and scientists, to try to understand for ourselves what the last Russian emperor was like as a person and as the ruler of a huge power, which experienced difficult trials.

nicholas monarch tsar power

1. Tsarevich Nicholas

1 Father and mother

Nicholas II (1869-1918) was the eldest son of Emperor Alexander III and Empress Maria Feodorovna.

Alexander III, son of Alexander II and Empress Maria Alexandrovna, Princess of Hesse-Darmstadt, was brought up at home. From his father and grandfather, he inherited a sense of the enormous power of the Russian emperors, which, as a result, caused the need to maintain the prestige of the tsarist government in every possible way. In this respect, the tradition, dating back to a number of very powerful sovereigns, remained inviolable and grandiose. They never stopped repeating to the future emperor that the Russian tsars were appointed by God himself, that the Russian tsars, as defenders and bearers of the national spirit of the country, should be for the people the last bastion of paternal kindness and infinite justice.

From his mother, Alexander III received the precepts of a family, strict way of life. Of course, he was instilled with all the subtleties of secular education.

The personal sympathies of Alexander III brought him closer not to his father, but to his grandfather, Nicholas I. From an early age, Alexander believed that the rapid evolution of political institutions could be dangerous for the country. He believed that the hasty implementation of political reforms could cause an explosion of the anarchist spirit, which from time immemorial was characteristic of the Russian people and all Slavic tribes in general. He was afraid that the implementation of political reforms would cause bloody riots.

The second feature of Alexander III was his predilection for everything that is typically Russian. Emperor Wilhelm I of Germany and some petty German princes enjoyed too much and undeserved influence at the court of Alexander II. The reaction in the soul of Alexander III was extremely energetic: he literally hated everything German. He strove to be Russian and carry it out in everything that concerned him. personal life; partly as a result of this, his manners seemed less aristocratic than those of his brothers. He, of course, bowed to court etiquette, but not for long; it was enough for him to be in the close circle of his family or loved ones, so that all the artificial formulas of the ceremonial part flew to the wind.

S.Yu. Witte, who closely recognized Alexander III in the last years of his reign, wrote about him that "the emperor was of a completely ordinary mind", in appearance he "looked like a big Russian peasant." Speaking about the character of Alexander III, Witte notes that he had "a wonderful heart, complacency, justice, and at the same time firmness."

The mother of Nikolai Alexandrovich, Princess Dagmar of Denmark (Maria Feodorovna), was brought up at one of the most patriarchal courts in Europe. By nature, she was cheerful and cheerful, she was characterized by naturalness and sincerity, so rare in the court environment.

The society of the capital received her very warmly when she became the empress.

In the course of almost 30 years of living together, she and Alexander III retained a sincere affection for each other. From her, Nicholas II inherited an infinite respect for the principle of the family.

2 Upbringing and education

Nicholas grew up in the atmosphere of a luxurious imperial court, but in a strict environment. Father and mother basically did not allow any weaknesses and sentiments in the upbringing of children. Nicholas had two brothers, Mikhail Alexandrovich and Georgy Alexandrovich, and two sisters, Ksenia and Olga Alexandrovna. For them, a strict daily routine was always established, with obligatory daily lessons, attendance at church services, indispensable visits to relatives, and obligatory participation in numerous official ceremonies. According to Adjutant General Vasilkovsky and Nicholas' mentor, the Englishman Charles Heath, the children of Alexander III grew up with almost no supervision. Their manners were not distinguished by the grace that attracts the attention of children who are constantly watched. Heath considered the children of Alexander III undisciplined and compared their behavior at the table with the behavior of village boys. Even in the presence of their parents, they threw balls of bread around the table if they knew that they could manage to remain uncaught. Physically, the children were of strong, healthy build, only Georgy Alexandrovich, the third son, suffered from tuberculosis and died at an early age.

Nikolai grew up as a cheerful, cheerful child, always unquestioningly obeying his father and mother.

Children were especially carefully taught foreign languages. Teachers tried mainly to achieve correct and clear pronunciation. All children had a very good memory, especially for faces and names.

Not as much attention was paid to the education of Nikolai's brothers and sisters as to the education of the future emperor.

Until the age of nine, nannies and bonns were involved in the upbringing of the prince, then teachers-mentors who taught the boy to read, write, arithmetic, the beginnings of history and geography. A special place was occupied by the teacher of the law, Archpriest Yanyshev, who instilled in the heir to the throne a deep and sincere religiosity. In 1877, when Nikolai was nine years old, Adjutant General Grigory Danilovich became his main tutor. Vasilkovsky called him none other than the word "Jesuit". The extraordinary restraint that was the main hallmark character of Nikolai, the ability to always remain calm and self-control were formed under the influence of Danilovich. Alexander III was severe even in relation to his children and did not tolerate the slightest contradiction in anything. As a result of this, not only the children, but also the Empress herself often found herself in such a position that they were forced to hide from him what happened or was done by someone. More than once, Nikolai spoke in the harshest terms about those people who did not keep their promise and blabbed out some secret entrusted to them. Danilovich, in the presence of the already secretive nature of most family members, taught the future emperor to that restraint, which often gave the impression of indifference and detachment from what was happening. The heir to the throne developed this quality in himself with great difficulty, as he was quick-tempered by nature.

Nikolai was shy by nature, did not like to argue, partly due to a painfully developed pride, partly out of fear that they could prove the wrongness of his views and convince others of this, and he, conscious of his inability to defend his own view, considered this insulting to himself. This lack of character of the heir to the throne caused actions that were perceived by many as false, in reality they were a manifestation of a lack of civic courage. Danilovich, instead of teaching his pupil to fight, taught him to get around this shortcoming. A positive achievement of such an upbringing was the amazing evenness of character, which attracted people to the Tsarevich. Danilovich's school gave its results, undoubtedly helping Nicholas in conversion, but making it difficult for him to manage when he became emperor. He did not get angry even in those cases when he would have had the right to and was obliged to show his displeasure.

Grigory Danilovich compiled a training program for Nikolai, designed for 12 years. The list of subjects to be studied was very wide. For the first 8 years, the heir to the throne took a complicated course at the gymnasium. The teachers noted his diligence and good knowledge in all subjects. With particular pleasure, Nikolai studied languages. He played the piano well and drew. Much attention was paid to sports. At the age of 16, in addition to Russian, he was fluent in German, French and English. Danish knew worse. Much attention was paid practical subjects: Tsarevich studied mineralogy, botany, zoology, the basics of anatomy and physiology. Nikolai's teachers were E.E. Zamyslovsky, Ts.A. Cui, N.N. Beketov, N.N. Obruchev, M.N. Dragomirov, G. Lanson. In 1885, Nikolai completed his secondary education and moved on to study the disciplines provided for by the programs of the Academy of the General Staff and two faculties of the university - law and economics. At the same time, his training in the art of government began, and for the first time he became more closely acquainted with some of the leading politicians, military men and scientists. The most significant of these were Finance Minister Nikolai Bunge and Chief Procurator of the Holy Synod Konstantin Pobedonostsev, who led the process of training the Tsarevich over the next five years, which Nikolai spent on higher education. Pobedonostsev taught courses in jurisprudence, state, civil and criminal law. He also taught Alexander III and had a very significant influence on him.

Thus, Nicholas was not at all insufficiently educated. The question is to what extent he learned first of all the lectures of the Minister of Finance. In 1916, as emperor, he wrote to his wife: "I ... simply do not understand anything in these matters of supply and supply."

Pobedonostsev's influence was problematic. Nikolai clearly did not share his legal view of many problems. They were connected - by Pobedonostsev, in fact, sham - faith in the power of the Orthodox Church and its role in the Russian Empire. Pobedonostsev believed that the law was not capable of changing the morality and political views of society; his views on human nature were deeply pessimistic. The pernicious influence of the Chief Prosecutor on the Tsarevich was that politics was not the result of a complex intertwining of interests or an expression of state reason, but a matter of truth or lies. So, he called the idea of ​​independence of judges and jury trials, which Alexander II implemented in Russia, a great lie. This kind of moralization of politics was widespread at court and in right-wing conservative circles. It was consistent with Nicholas' ideas and subsequently reinforced his tendency to perceive politics as a matter of obedience and therefore to view political dissent as a sinful delusion.

Pobedonostsev assured the heir that Russia was not ripe for democracy. In his opinion, the establishment of democratic orders is actually a regression. Pobedonostsev did not question when and how to carry out reforms; he was opposed to reforms in principle.

The biggest disadvantage of raising an heir to the throne was that he was practically isolated from his peers. This did not give him the opportunity to establish himself in a circle of equals, indulge in youthful games with peers and, thus, free himself from the influence of a powerful parental home. The young prince was also deprived of the opportunity to form his own independent judgments and make his own mistakes, which he could then correct without the intervention of tutors and parents. Contact with the outside world for Nicholas was limited almost exclusively to the servants and guards of the royal family, ordinary peasants and soldiers.

Nicholas, like probably none of his predecessors, internalized the widespread belief in kindness and loyalty to the Tsar of the common Russian people, especially the peasants. This belief was strengthened by the religiosity of the Tsarevich, who believed that through religion and through the rites of the Orthodox Church, he was connected in the closest and most mystical way with the common people.

Nikolai lived a happy youth with understanding parents; family life was rich and harmonious. Alexander III was a cordial father. But what was missing in the environment of the Tsarevich (in accordance with the lifestyle of the nobility, not only in Russia, but also in Europe), was any intellectual inquiries or interest in art. On the other hand, such a cordial agreement did not give Nikolai the opportunity to free himself from strong influence father, whose example he tried to imitate.

by the most happy time in the life of Nicholas there were, perhaps, the last years of his youth, when at the age of 19 he served as an ordinary guard officer. Prior to this, his upbringing was devoid of military elements. There was no need for young aristocrats who served in the guard regiments to make a career for themselves. The officers' society was a pleasant club, duties were not burdensome. For the first time in his life, Nicholas left the palace and the imperial court. Nicholas loved the army, its traditions, uniforms and, above all, the simple world of orders and obedience. The officer society of the guards regiments was practically the only environment, in addition to the family, in which he felt at ease and, by his own admission, rested his soul. Nikolay listened with pleasure to conversations about hunting, horses, trifles of military service, soldiers' songs, military stories and anecdotes. If he had any friends at all, and if he trusted anyone, they were people from the Guards.

The moral loneliness imposed on himself by Nicholas from a young age was all the more dangerous because, having become emperor, he was distrustful even of those closest to him.

In 1887, the Tsarevich was promoted to staff captain and assigned to the Life Guards Preobrazhensky Regiment. Due to his modesty and simplicity, Nikolai was very popular among fellow officers. In the Preobrazhensky regiment, Nikolai was listed for 2 years, first acting as a platoon commander, and then as a company commander. To join the cavalry service, his father transferred him to the Life Guards Hussar Regiment, where he commanded a squadron.

In 1890, the education of the heir to the throne was completed. In the month of May, Nikolai, who, it seemed, had already begun to be weary of persistent studies, wrote in his diary: “Today I finally and forever stopped my studies.” A new, much more pleasant stage in his life has come. At that time, Nikolai was a short, slender young man, with his father's square face and his mother's lively eyes, charming, always polite, courteous, well-dressed. His virtues were kindness, gentleness, friendliness. “Niki smiled his usual, gentle, shy, slightly sad smile,” wrote his cousin and close friend, Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich. Alexander III did not burden the prince with state affairs. Nikolai sometimes appeared at meetings of the State Council, but his gaze was constantly fixed on the clock. The scattered life of a guards officer attracted him much more. Like all officers of the guard, Nikolai devoted a lot of time to social life. 2 or 3 times a week he attended balls. In his diary, entries like this are not uncommon: "We danced until we dropped ... then had dinner ... went to bed at 3 hours and 30 minutes." With officers, he often went to the opera. In the youthful years of Nikolai, opera gained extraordinary popularity: in 1890, more than 60 opera troupes toured Russia. Nikolai's father encouraged the development of genuinely Russian opera; he revered P.I. Tchaikovsky, who was given a national funeral, and contributed to the construction of the monument to M.I. Glinka. These performances gave the young prince a peculiar idea of ​​the monarchy, of himself as a future sovereign ruler, of the greatness of the Russian nation, and of the patriotism of the peasants. The heir to the throne admired Glinka, Tchaikovsky, Mussorgsky. Nikolay appreciated the ballet as highly as the public, who was privy to all the secrets of this art. Like all the Romanovs, Nicholas had a great love for the outer side of military affairs. He never missed military parades, as if enchanted, he admired the parades arranged by his father.

At the same time, Nikolai liked the most unpretentious entertainment. For example, when he was in Darmstadt, he spent the whole day with the Prince of Hesse, sitting by the window and throwing apples at the crowd. He could spend the whole morning teaching dogs to fetch a stick.

The prince never missed an opportunity to go hunting. He endlessly describes the days spent on the hunt in his diary. The imperial hunt took place in the royal estates in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, where Polish kings hunted for centuries. In 1888, Belovezh was declared the personal property of the Russian sovereign. The Pushcha was famous for the variety of tree species that grew in it, and especially for bison, the last bison in Europe. There were about 800 of them. The animals were carefully guarded. Nikolai was an excellent shooter, but out of pride he only shot for sure.

Spala was another reserved place. For a successful hunt, the military was sent there. The soldiers played the role of beaters. No one dared to object to such use of troops: an objection would entail inevitable disgrace.

3 Alexandra Feodorovna

With his future wife, Princess Alice Victoria Elena Louise Beatrice (Alix), daughter of Prince Ludwig of Hesse-Darmstadt, granddaughter of Queen Victoria of England, Nicholas first met in 1884, at the wedding of Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich and Princess Ella of Hesse-Darmstadt, who was Princess Alix's older sister. The ceremony of the meeting, the grandiosity of everything that was happening struck Alice. She spent two weeks in Russia. Then Nikolai wrote in his diary: "We love each other." After that, Princess Alix came to Russia in 1886 and in 1888.

The choice of a bride for the future king was associated with the interest of big politics, various hidden aspirations and hidden intentions were always focused here. This was a matter of paramount importance, and only the emperor could decide it. Alexander was against marriage, believing that the prince was still too young (in 1888 Nikolai was 20 years old), Empress Maria Feodorovna was also against the marriage of her son to a German princess. The dislike of the empress for the young princess was immediately reflected in the attitude of the entire Russian court towards her. Her Highness was treated with undisguised disdain and even derision and irony.

In 1894, when Alexander III fell ill with nephritis and the disease took a dangerous turn, Grand Duke Mikhail Nikolayevich, as the oldest member of the family, had a conversation with the sovereign. He pointed out that the disease could end tragically, and since the heir was not yet married, undesirable complications could arise. The sovereign expressed his consent to the marriage of the Tsarevich and instructed Mikhail Nikolayevich to talk with him about this. Nicholas categorically stated that he loved Princess Alice and did not want to marry anyone else. Through the mediation of the Grand Duke, the emperor's consent to this marriage was obtained. To marry Nicholas, Alix had to convert to the Orthodox faith. After much hesitation, she agreed. The time before marriage passed in the atmosphere last days life of Alexander III.

At the insistence of doctors, the emperor moved to Livadia, in the Crimea. Nicholas accompanied him.

October 1894 Emperor Alexander III died. Nicholas was in despair. He understood that with the death of his father, the happiest time of his life was leaving forever, that a time of anxiety and endless worries was coming. “Sandro, what am I going to do? he exclaimed, turning to Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich. - What will happen to Russia now? I'm not ready to be king yet! I don't even know how to talk to ministers."

So at the age of 26, Nikolai Alexandrovich became the ruler of the Russian Empire. It never occurred to anyone that he would become the last emperor of Russia.

2. Emperor Nicholas II

1 Taking office

Nicholas II came to power without any program, except for the firm intention not to yield one iota of his autocratic power, which he considered the testament of his father. He believed that his title was given to him by God, that he himself was the representative of God in the state. On January 17, 1895, a ceremony was held at the Anichkov Palace in St. Petersburg, at which deputations from the nobility, zemstvos and all cities were gathered in the Great Hall. In his speech, Nicholas II said: “... I know that in Lately voices of people carried away by senseless dreams about the fate of representatives of the zemstvos in affairs were heard in some zemstvo meetings internal management. Let everyone know that, devoting all my strength to the good of the people, I will guard the beginning of autocracy as firmly and unswervingly as my unforgettable late parent guarded it. There is an opinion that in the text, probably prepared by Pobedonostsev, it was written “groundless”, and not “meaningless dreams”. If later an error or typo crept into the text, this expression still fully conveyed what the young emperor thought about this. This Appeal was a challenge to liberal opinion and was contrary to the interests of the educated and wealthy strata of society, which immediately led to the strengthening of the positions of radical circles, which the policy of Alexander III somewhat weakened. It became clear to everyone that the reign of Nicholas II would continue the reign of Alexander III. The appeal, first of all, dispelled the illusions of those who hoped that life would change with the advent of a new tsar, that new opportunities would open up before Russian society.

The zemstvo officials wanted the sovereign to grant Russia a constitution, but they did not at all want a war with the autocracy. They preferred the peaceful path of gradual evolution. In order to wage the struggle by more radical methods, it was necessary to create organizations of a new type - political parties became them. The urgent need to create political parties arose when students and workers began to show themselves as a social force.

Cities were transformed and modernized, spread elementary education that entered the village. Workers' spontaneous strikes broke out. Democratic ideas developed spontaneously. Between the liberal members of the zemstvos - teachers, doctors, agronomists (rural intelligentsia) - and active elements in the cities, concerned about the fate of the workers, there is a rapprochement. Liberal populists and members of the "Land and Freedom" united in the party of socialist revolutionaries. At the same time, the urban movement, which adopted Marxism, took shape in the Social Democratic Party. Actually, the liberal current, represented by the "Union of Liberation", was transformed into the Constitutional Democratic Party (Party of the Cadets).

It was at a time when the conditions of political life in the country were radically changing that the king announced that he, for his part, would not change anything in the order established by his ancestors.

The new emperor was ill-prepared for his future tasks. He has recently begun to be involved in government work. He had little experience, and he knew little of the people among whom he had to look for employees. In addition, it soon became clear that the king did not have the determination and firmness of his father. Nicholas was deeply troubled upon becoming emperor. He was aware of his shortcomings and clearly understood that even his inner circle strongly doubted his abilities.

Yes, and the beginning of the reign of Nicholas II was marked by a gloomy event: the tragedy on the Khodynka field, in which from 1282 to 4000 people died and from 9000 to 20000 were injured according to various sources. This event was seen by many as a bad omen.

If the views of contemporaries of Nicholas II regarding his character, spiritual qualities and attitude to the business of managing the empire often diverge, then the opinion about the attitude of the last emperor of Russia to his family is unanimous: he selflessly loved his wife and children.

The marriage with Princess Alix took place after the death of Alexander III.

Children were the main joy of the royal couple. The eldest child was Grand Duchess Olga, who was born in 1895. Then Grand Duchess Tatiana was born in 1897, Maria in 1899, and Anastasia in 1901. They grew up without the supervision of educators. None of the Grand Duchesses has ever had a true peer friend. They were content with the most unpretentious amusements and were undemanding. One film performance on Saturdays fueled conversations for a week. According to E. A. Shneider, a goflectress, Olga Nikolaevna had a good, even character; Tatyana had a difficult, rather secretive character, but deeper than that of other sisters, spiritual qualities, was the most serious and restrained. Maria Nikolaevna was kind, not without some stubbornness, and weaker in abilities than her older sisters. Anastasia was very lively, cheerful, crafty and witty.

During the war, the senior princesses, having passed nursing exams, worked in the Tsarskoye Selo hospital, showing complete dedication in this matter.

In all four, it was noticeable that from early childhood they were inspired by a sense of duty. This was especially expressed in Olga and Maria.

July 1904 Alexandra Feodorovna had a fifth child. To the great joy of the parents, it was a boy. On that day, Nikolai wrote in his diary: “A great unforgettable day for us, on which the mercy of God so clearly visited us. Alix had a son, who, during prayer, was named Alexei. On the occasion of the appearance of the heir, cannons fired and bells rang all over Russia, flags fluttered. But it soon became clear that the boy had hemophilia. When he stumbled and fell, small bruises appeared on his arms and legs, and after a few hours turned into dark blue tumors. His blood could not clot under his skin. In a person with hemophilia, any bruise, scratch, cough, tooth extraction, and other bleeding situations can be fatal. This was a heavy blow for Nicholas and his wife. This secret was carefully guarded, and only those closest to the royal family knew about the prince's illness.

Outside of attacks, Alexei was cheerful and cheerful, like Anastasia, he liked to play a trick on others. But was he joking when, at the age of 6, he said to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers: “When the heir enters, you must get up”? And yet, the older Alexey became, the more often, as the Minister of the Court A.A. Mosolov, "a sad shade was noticed in his eyes."

At first, the parents tried to find a playmate for Alexei. They took the children of sailors, then the children or nephews of the "uncle" of the prince - Derevenko; then decided not to take anyone.

Aleksey's tutor was the Swiss Gilliard, an intelligent and educated man. It was difficult to teach Alexei: as soon as the work of his teaching and upbringing was getting better, the boy fell ill. Hemophilia causes very severe pain with internal hemorrhages. After such attacks, the child gradually had to be brought back to the previous level of knowledge and behavior.

For Alexandra Feodorovna, the consciousness that she caused her son's suffering became a constant psychological trauma. Nicholas never reproached the empress for this. Over the years, she began to suffer from hysteria, became suspicious. Having lost faith in doctors, she pinned all her hopes on the mercy of God. All sorts of wanderers and God's people began to appear in the palace. Gradually, Grigory Rasputin stood out among them, saving Alexei more than once.

The children learned English from the Empress herself; French and Gilliard taught them some general subjects; German- E.A. Schneider, Russian literature and general subjects teacher of the gymnasium Petrov.

3 Crash

The first years of the reign of Nicholas II passed on the whole rather calmly and inspired hopes for the further well-being of Russia. Nikolai initiated the convening of international conferences in The Hague on the limitation of arms, the development of the institution of international control of military conflicts, the regulation of the laws and customs of war, and the determination of the position of neutral countries.

The Russian economy before the First World War looked like this. The financial policy of the Russian Empire was based on deficit-free budgets and the accumulation of gold reserves. From 1904 to 1914, the excess of state revenues over expenditures amounted to 2 billion 400 million rubles. Railway tariffs were significantly reduced, redemption payments for allotment lands were abolished.

During the two decades leading up to the First World War, the grain harvest doubled. In 1913, the grain harvest in Russia was a third higher than in Argentina, Canada and the USA combined, and amounted to 4 billion poods. Russia supplied 50% of world egg imports. The domestic energy industry also developed rapidly: coal production increased by 300%, oil - by 65%. The production of pig iron increased to 254 million poods, and the smelting of steel and iron amounted to 229 million poods. In two decades, Russian industry has quadrupled productivity.

But the eleven-hour day, low wages and working-class living conditions contributed to this rise.

The city brought the war with Japan, which became a serious test for Russia. An important advantage of Japan was in technical terms and in relation to commanders, who acted thoughtfully, decisively and energetically, in contrast to the Russian command, which was distinguished by passivity and lack of initiative. During the war, Port Arthur was surrendered, most of the ships of the Russian Pacific squadrons perished in the Tsushima Strait, the Russian troops suffered a final defeat near Mukden, after which unrest began in the fleet. Despite the peace negotiations with Japan, in which S.Yu. Witte managed to achieve good results, the Russo-Japanese war played a destabilizing role in Russia, in general, the people perceived it as a national disgrace.

January 1905 Nicholas was in Tsarskoye Selo. Of course, he knew about the events taking place in St. Petersburg. During a demonstration at the Winter Palace, the army opened fire on a procession of workers peacefully walking with their families, carrying icons, portraits of the sovereign and banners, in order to petition their sovereign. The number of people killed was estimated from 170 to 1000 people.

A few days after the demonstration of the workers, Nikolai, speaking to the delegation, said, in particular, the following words: “I believe in the honest feelings of the working people and in their unshakable devotion to me, and therefore I forgive them their guilt.” The emperor forgave his people, who rebelled, as he believed, against him. But the people did not revolt against the tsar, but against his ministers, dignitaries and the rich.

It is unlikely that Nicholas realized that Bloody Sunday, as they began to call January 9, 1905, greatly shook the faith of the people in their sovereign, that he was always fair and kind, always ready to help his people and only did not know about their needs, since this information does not reach him, withheld by officials and nobles.

After Bloody Sunday widespread strikes, mass protests and demonstrations began. Both the common people and the intelligentsia were deeply indignant at the event on Palace Square.

A manifesto was created in which the population was promised: freedom of speech, conscience, assembly, unions, inviolability of the person; attraction to the elections to the State Duma of the classes of the population that had not previously had the right to vote; entry of any law into force only with the approval of the State Duma. But, having suppressed the December armed uprising, the government did not fulfill its "constitutional" promises.

Consent to the establishment of the Duma and the creation of a manifesto on October 17 was given by Nicholas II with great reluctance and contrary to his ideas about the power of the emperor.

The revolution of 1905 ended in failure. Massive repressions began. For political crimes death penalty 5735 people were convicted, 3741 people were executed. Between 1906 and 1910 courts convicted 37,735 people for political reasons, of which 8,640 were sentenced to hard labor. There were, according to official estimates, about 140,000 prisoners in prisons and places of detention. By 1913, there were approximately 220,000 people in prison.

In 1906, K. Balmont wrote the following poem:

Our king.

Our king is Mukden, our king is Tsushima,

Our king is a bloodstain

The stench of gunpowder and smoke

In which the mind is dark.

Our king is blind squalor,

Prison and whip, jurisdiction, execution,

Tsar hangman, the low twice,

What he promised, but did not dare to give.

He's a coward, he feels stuttering

But it will be - the hour of reckoning awaits.

Who began to reign - Khodynka,

He will finish - standing on the scaffold.

The repression did not break the liberals and revolutionaries, but only increased their anger and desire for revolution.

The next 7 years were lived in relative peace. Nominated by Nikolai Stolypin, he began to carry out his reforms. At one time it seemed that Russia would be able to avoid new social upheavals, but the world war that broke out in 1914 made revolution inevitable.

And senior officials, and grand dukes, and foreign diplomats felt the approach of great changes. They tried to warn Nicholas more than once, they suggested that he create a government in which the people and the Duma would have confidence. However, Nikolai, who listened to their calls with polite attention, remained deaf. He gave his word, in spite of everything, to preserve the autocracy in the country and pass it on to his son whole and unshakable. Having assumed the duties of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in 1915, the emperor spent most of his time at Headquarters, far from the capital, involuntarily losing the feeling of real political situation in the country. With the incomprehensible stubbornness of a fatalist, he staked on the speedy victory in the war. A victory over Germany would mean a victory over the opposition in the State Duma and the collapse of the Leninist revolutionary parties. Contributions and help from allies would help to cope with internal social troubles and devastation.

On February 1917, Nicholas II left for Headquarters, in Mogilev. Immediately after his departure, a revolution began in St. Petersburg. On the evening of February 26, Chairman of the Duma Rodzianko telegraphed the emperor: “The situation is serious ... The government is paralyzed. The delivery of food and fuel is completely disorganized ... There is indiscriminate shooting in the streets. Nicholas decided to return to Petersburg in a few days. He believed that there could be no revolution. On February 28 he goes back. Later, many believed that Nicholas made a double mistake: the first was his departure from St. Petersburg at a critical moment, which the emperor was predicted more than once, the second was the hasty departure of Nicholas from Headquarters, as a result of which he was cut off from command and control. On March 1, the tsar's train arrived at the Pskov station, where Nikolai learned that the entire garrison of Petrograd and Tsarskoye Selo had gone over to the side of the revolution, just like the guards and the Cossack convoy. The news that his personal guard had deserted was a cruel surprise for Nicholas II. On the same day, Rodzianko reported from the capital that a terrible revolution had broken out there and that a Provisional Government had already been formed, which agreed that Nicholas should abdicate. On March 2, the commander of the Northern Front, General Ruzsky, brought telegrams to the emperor from Grand Duke Nikolai, generals Brusilov, Evert, Sakharov. Their opinion was merciless: Nicholas must abdicate. The emperor was shocked, he did not expect such unanimity. After a long conversation with Ruzsky and other generals, Nikolai announced his agreement. After that, he called Professor Fedorov and asked him about the health of Tsarevich Alexei. Fedorov replied that although Alexei could live a long time, he could not be cured. Nicholas decided to abdicate in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. Around midnight the renunciation manifesto was signed. “I will thank God if Russia is happy without me,” said Nicholas II. He tried to save Russia from a split and the horrors of a fratricidal war, and in addition, he hoped for a further unhindered continuation of the war with Germany.

In the same place, in Mogilev, Nikolai learned about the abdication of his brother Mikhail.

March, the former emperor was taken into custody, while Alexandra was arrested in St. Petersburg. The next day Nikolai was brought to Tsarskoye Selo.

In conclusion, the Romanovs whiled away the time watching films donated before the revolution by the Pate company. Nikolay took upon himself the teaching of history and geography to children. Through the newspapers, he followed political and military events with keen interest. He talked a lot and for a long time with the children, he himself cleaned the snow on the paths and read a lot. In May, with the help of children, Nikolai began to dig a garden. In the summer, he began to cut dry trees in the park for firewood.

Meanwhile, the Provisional Government decided to transfer the Romanov family to Tobolsk for security purposes.

Little was known about the revolution in Tobolsk. There, the people treated the royal family with great respect, the treatment of the prisoners of the guard became softer than in St. Petersburg.

A great deprivation for Nikolai in Tobolsk was the lack of fresh newspapers. The local press fed on rumors rather than facts. However, Nicholas realized that power was slipping out of the hands of the Provisional Government. The October Revolution made a painful impression on him. Now the deposed emperor regretted his abdication. It was hard for him to see that the renunciation was in vain and that by leaving power in the interests of the Motherland, he actually did her a disservice.

The financial situation of the Romanovs in prison was very cramped.

On April 1918 Commissar Yakovlev arrived in Tobolsk. He was ordered to carry royal family to Moscow. Since Alexei was very ill, he was left with his three sisters and Gilliard. On April 6, Nikolai, Alexandra Feodorovna and Maria went to Moscow. Yakovlev planned to go through Omsk, Chelyabinsk, Ufa and Samara. This circuit route was chosen to bypass Yekaterinburg. But the train was stopped near Omsk, and Yakovlev received an order from Moscow from Sverdlov to hand over the Romanovs to the Ural Soviet in Yekaterinburg. From the station, the prisoners were taken to the house of the merchant Ipatiev, where in mid-May they brought Alexei and Nikolai's three daughters.

In Nikolai's diary after arriving in Yekaterinburg, there are such entries: “... On the occasion of May 1, we heard the music of some kind of procession. They weren’t allowed to go out to the kindergarten today!.. I breathed air through the open window”, “the jailers are trying not to talk to us, as if they were not at ease, and one feels, as it were, anxiety or fear of something in them! It’s incomprehensible! ”,“ ... there was a change of commandants ... instead of Avdeev, ... Yurovsky was appointed ”,“ Today I started Volume VII of Saltykov ”, and the last entry:“ Alexei took the first bath after Tobolsk; his knee is recovering, but he cannot straighten it completely. We have no news from outside."

June, the Ural Council received from Moscow permission to independently decide the fate of the deposed dynasty. The council decided to shoot all the Romanovs and entrusted Yurovsky with the execution.

July, he distributed 12 revolvers to the Chekists, woke up all the Romanovs and the people who remained with them and ordered them to go down to the basement room. There they were shot.

Conclusion

To this day, it remains a mystery how the executioners disposed of the bodies of their victims. There are many versions on this issue. According to one of them, all 11 corpses were wrapped in sheets and taken by car to an abandoned mine near the village of Koptyaki. Here all the bodies were doused with kerosene and burned. Ashes and unburned remains are dumped into the mine.

However, many years later, another grave was discovered not far from Yekaterinburg. Now, after many years of examination, it is more likely that Nicholas II and his relatives found their last rest in it.

It is impossible to say with certainty which way Russia would develop if another emperor ruled at that time. The author of this work is inclined to think that Russia would not recognize February Revolution, no October, be on the throne a tsar more prepared in the matter of government, more far-sighted, able to catch the changes in the country and restructure his policy so that these changes do not lead to confusion. Perhaps if Nicholas II had been less conservative, his reign would not have ended so tragically. He was very conscientious about his duties, but one cannot call him a talented politician. He was aware of the responsibility entrusted to him, as he believed, by God. Nicholas, of course, loved his country and tried to serve it for the good. But he could not save Russia from the storm, which brought her many troubles. It is not a matter of weakness of will, in which Nikolai is so fond of reproach. The incredible endurance and perseverance with which the last Russian tsar adhered to his principles can hardly be found in weak-willed people. Nicholas did not object to his ministers, he silently dismissed them when they began to present their program, which was at odds with the views of the sovereign. Nicholas did not realize the significance of the events in the country. Having already agreed to abdicate, he hoped that he would be able to leave with his family for Livadia and work in the garden there. The royal couple was too isolated from society, immersed in their family happiness. Although, of course, the way of life of the family of Nicholas II was largely determined by the illness of Alexei.

The last Emperor Russia was withdrawn, lonely and distrustful. In his youth, he wanted to live the way ordinary people live. He bowed before the duty of the sovereign, but this duty seemed to him somewhat simplified.

Although the ruler has the strongest influence on the situation in the country and is responsible for the life of his people, one cannot but admit that Nicholas II had to rule in a very difficult time, and he and his family did not deserve such an end.

List of used literature

1.Avrekh A.Ya. Tsarism on the eve of the overthrow. M.: "Nauka", 1989. 256 p.

2. Kasvinov M.K. Twenty-three steps down. M.: "Thought", 1990.

Mosolov A.A. At the court of the last Russian emperor. M.: Ankor, 1993.

Student's handbook. History of the Fatherland / ed. S.V. Novikov. M.: Philological Society "Slovo", 1996. 544 p.

Russian tsars. 1547 - 1917 / ed. S.V. Ponomarev. Rostov n / D .: "Phoenix", 1997. 576 p.

Ryzhov K. All monarchs of the world. Russia. M.: "Veche", 1999. 640 p. ("Encyclopedias. Reference books. Undying books").

Ferro M. Nicholas II.M.: " International relationships”, 1991. 352 p.

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Professor Sergei Mironenko on the personality and fatal mistakes of the last Russian emperor

In the year of the 100th anniversary of the revolution, talk about Nicholas II and his role in the tragedy of 1917 does not stop: the truth and myths in these conversations are often mixed. Scientific director of the State Archive of the Russian Federation Sergey Mironenko- about Nicholas II as a man, ruler, family man, martyr.

"Nicky, you're just some kind of Muslim!"

Sergei Vladimirovich, in one of your interviews you called Nicholas II "frozen". What did you mean? What was the emperor like as a person, as a person?

Nicholas II loved the theatre, opera and ballet, he loved physical exercise. He had unassuming tastes. He liked to drink a glass or two of vodka. Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich recalled that when they were young, he and Nicky once sat on a sofa and pushed with their feet, who would knock someone off the sofa. Or another example - a diary entry during a visit to relatives in Greece about how nicely they left oranges with cousin Georgie. He was already quite an adult young man, but something childish remained in him: leaving oranges, kicking his feet. Absolutely alive person! But still, it seems to me, he was so kind of ... not a daring, not “eh!”. You know, sometimes meat is fresh, and sometimes when it was first frozen, and then thawed, you know? In this sense - "frostbitten".

Sergei Mironenko
Photo: DP28

Restrained? Many noted that he very dryly described the terrible events in his diary: next to him was the shooting of the demonstration, and the lunch menu. Or that the emperor remained absolutely calm when receiving heavy news from the front Japanese war. What does this indicate?

In the imperial family, keeping a diary was one of the elements of education. A person was taught to write down what happened to him at the end of the day, and in this way to give an account of how you lived this day. If the diaries of Nicholas II are used for the history of the weather, then this would be a wonderful source. “Morning, so many degrees of frost, got up at so much.” Always! Plus or minus: "sunny, windy" - he always wrote it down.

Similar diaries were kept by his grandfather Emperor Alexander II. The Ministry of War published small commemorative books: each sheet was divided into three days, and so Alexander II managed all day, from the moment he got up to the moment he went to bed, to paint his whole day on such a small sheet. Of course, this was only a record of the formal side of life. Basically, Alexander II wrote down who he received, with whom he dined, with whom he dined, where he was, at a review or somewhere else, etc. Rarely-rarely something emotional breaks through. In 1855, when his father, Emperor Nicholas I, was dying, he wrote: “Such an hour. Last terrible torment. This is a different type of diary! And Nikolai's emotional assessments are extremely rare. In general, he seemed to be an introvert by nature.

- Today you can often see in the press a certain average image of Tsar Nicholas II: a man of noble aspirations, an exemplary family man, but a weak politician. How true is this image?

As for the fact that one image was established - this is wrong. There are diametrically opposed points of view. For example, academician Yuri Sergeevich Pivovarov claims that Nicholas II was a major, successful statesman. Well, you yourself know that there are many monarchists who bow before Nicholas II.

I think that this is just the right image: he really was a very good person, a wonderful family man and, of course, a deeply religious person. But as a politician, he was absolutely out of place, I would say so.

Coronation of Nicholas II

When Nicholas II ascended the throne, he was 26 years old. Why, despite a brilliant education, he was not ready to be king? And there is such evidence that he did not want accession to the throne, was he burdened by this?

Behind me are the diaries of Nicholas II, which we published: if you read them, everything becomes clear. He was actually a very responsible person, he understood all the burden of responsibility that fell on his shoulders. But, of course, he did not think that his father, Emperor Alexander III, would die at 49, he thought that he still had some time to spare. Nicholas was weighed down by the ministers' reports. Although one can treat Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich differently, I think he was absolutely right when he wrote about the features characteristic of Nicholas II. For example, he said that Nikolai was right in the one who came to him last. Various issues are being discussed, and Nikolai takes the point of view of the one who came into his office last. Maybe it was not always like this, but this is a certain vector that Alexander Mikhailovich speaks about.

Another trait of his is fatalism. Nicholas believed that since he was born on May 6, the day of Job the Long-suffering, he was destined to suffer. Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich told him about this: “Niki (that was the name of Nicholas in the family) you're just some kind of muslim! We have the Orthodox faith, it gives free will, and your life depends on you, there is no such fatalistic destiny in our faith.” But Nicholas was sure that he was destined to suffer.

In one of your lectures, you said that he really had a lot of suffering. Do you think that this was somehow connected with his warehouse, mood?

You see, each person makes his own destiny. If you think from the very beginning that you are created to suffer, in the end, so it will be in life!

The most important misfortune, of course, is that they had a terminally ill child. This cannot be discounted. And it turned out literally immediately after birth: the umbilical cord of the Tsarevich was bleeding ... This, of course, frightened the family, they hid for a very long time that their child was sick with hemophilia. For example, the sister of Nicholas II, Grand Duchess Xenia, found out about this almost 8 years after the birth of the heir!

Then, difficult situations in politics - Nicholas was not ready to manage the vast Russian Empire in such a difficult period of time.

On the birth of Tsarevich Alexei

The summer of 1904 was marked by a joyful event, the birth of the unfortunate crown prince. Russia has been waiting for an heir for so long, and how many times has this hope turned into disappointment that his birth was greeted with enthusiasm, but the joy did not last long. Even in our house there was despondency. Uncle and aunt no doubt knew that the child was born with hemophilia, a disease that bleeds due to the inability of the blood to clot quickly. Of course, the parents quickly learned about the nature of their son's illness. One can imagine what a terrible blow this was to them; from that moment on, the character of the empress began to change, from painful experiences and constant anxiety Her health, both physical and mental, deteriorated.

- But after all, he was prepared for this from childhood, like any heir!

You see, cook - don't cook, and you can't discount a person's personal qualities. If you read his correspondence with his bride, who later became Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, you will see that he writes to her how he rode twenty miles and feels good, and she told him about how she was in church, how she prayed. Their correspondence shows everything from the very beginning! Do you know what he called her? He called her "owl", and she called him "calf". Even this detail gives a clear idea of ​​their relationship.

Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna

Initially, the family was against his marriage to the princess of Hesse. Can we say that Nicholas II showed character here, some strong-willed qualities, insisting on his own?

They didn't really mind. They wanted to marry him to a French princess - because of the turn that emerged in the early 90s of the XIX century foreign policy Russian Empire from an alliance with Germany, Austria-Hungary to an alliance with France. Alexander III also wanted to strengthen family ties with the French, but Nicholas categorically refused. little known fact- Alexander III and his wife Maria Feodorovna, when Alexander was still only the heir to the throne, became the godparents of Alice of Hesse - the future Empress Alexandra Feodorovna: they were the godmother and father of the young! So there were still connections. Yes, and Nikolai wanted to marry at all costs.

- But he was still a follower?

Of course there was. You see, it is necessary to distinguish between stubbornness and will. Very often, weak-willed people are stubborn. I think that in a certain sense Nikolai was like that too. There are wonderful moments in their correspondence with Alexandra Fedorovna. Especially during the war, when she writes to him: “Be Peter the Great, be Ivan the Terrible!”, and then adds: “I see how you smile.” She writes to him “be”, but she herself perfectly understands that he cannot be, according to his temperament, the way his father was.

For Nikolai, his father has always been an example. He wanted, of course, to be like him, but he could not.

Dependence on Rasputin led Russia to destruction

- And how strong was the influence of Alexandra Feodorovna on the emperor?

Alexandra Fedorovna had a huge influence on him. And through Alexandra Fedorovna - Rasputin. And, by the way, relations with Rasputin became one of the rather strong catalysts for the revolutionary movement, general dissatisfaction with Nicholas. Even not so much the figure of Rasputin caused discontent, but the image of a dissolute old man created by the press, which influences political decision-making. Add to this the suspicion that Rasputin is a German agent, which was fueled by the fact that he was against the war with Germany. Rumors spread that Alexandra Feodorovna was also a German spy. In general, everything rolled along the well-known road, which led, in the end, to renunciation ...

Caricature of Rasputin

Pyotr Stolypin

- What other political mistakes have become fatal?

There were many. One of them is distrust of prominent statesmen. Nicholas could not save them, could not! The example of Stolypin is very indicative in this sense. Stolypin is truly an outstanding person. Outstanding not only and not so much because he uttered in the Duma those words that everyone is now repeating: "You need great upheavals, but we need a great Russia."

That's not why! But because he understood: the main brake in a peasant country is the community. And he firmly pursued a line of destruction of the community, and this was contrary to the interests of a fairly wide range of people. After all, when Stolypin arrived in Kyiv in 1911 as prime minister, he was already a lame duck. The issue of his resignation was resolved. He was killed, but the end of it political career came earlier.

There is no subjunctive mood in history, as you know. But I really want to dream. But what if Stolypin had been at the head of the government longer, if he had not been killed, if the situation had turned out differently, what would have happened? Would Russia have entered the war with Germany so recklessly, was the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand worth getting involved in this world war? ..

1908 Royal Village. Rasputin with the Empress, five children and a governess

However, I really want to use the subjunctive mood. The events taking place in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century seem so spontaneous, irreversible - the absolute monarchy has outlived its usefulness, and sooner or later what happened would happen, the personality of the tsar did not play a decisive role. This is wrong?

You know, this question, from my point of view, is useless, because the task of history is not to guess what would have happened if, but to explain why it happened this way and not otherwise. It has already happened. But why did it happen? After all, history has many paths, but for some reason it chooses one out of many, why?

Why did it happen that the previously very friendly, close-knit Romanov family (the ruling house of the Romanovs) turned out to be completely split by 1916? Nikolai and his wife were alone, and the whole family - I emphasize, the whole family - was against it! Yes, Rasputin played a role - the family split largely because of him. Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna, sister of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, tried to talk to her about Rasputin, it was useless to dissuade her! Nicholas's mother, Empress Dowager Maria Feodorovna, tried to speak, but to no avail.

In the end, it came to the Grand Duke's conspiracy. Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovich, Nicholas II's favorite cousin, was involved in Rasputin's assassination. Grand Duke Nikolai Mikhailovich wrote to Maria Feodorovna: "The hypnotist has been killed, now it's the turn of the hypnotized, she must disappear."

They all saw that this indecisive policy, this dependence on Rasputin, was leading Russia to destruction, but they could not do anything! They thought that they would kill Rasputin, and things would somehow get better, but they didn’t get better - everything had gone too far. Nikolai believed that relations with Rasputin were a private matter of his family, in which no one had the right to interfere. He did not understand that the emperor could not have private relations with Rasputin, that the matter had taken on a political turn. And he miscalculated cruelly, although one can understand him as a person. Therefore, personality is certainly of great importance!

About Rasputin and his murder
From memories Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna

Everything that happened to Russia due to the direct or indirect influence of Rasputin can, in my opinion, be regarded as a vindictive expression of the dark, terrible, all-consuming hatred that burned for centuries in the soul of the Russian peasant in relation to the upper classes, who did not try to understand him or attract him to your side. Rasputin, in his own way, loved both the empress and the emperor. He felt sorry for them, as children feel sorry for those who have made a mistake through the fault of adults. They both liked his seeming sincerity and kindness. His speeches - they had never heard anything like it before - attracted them with their simple logic and novelty. The emperor himself strove for intimacy with his people. But Rasputin, who had no education and was not accustomed to such an environment, was spoiled by the boundless trust that his high patrons placed in him.

Emperor Nicholas II and Supreme Commander led. Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich during a review of the fortifications of the Przemysl fortress

Is there evidence that Empress Alexandra Feodorovna directly influenced her husband's specific political decisions?

Certainly! At one time there was such a book by Kasvinov “23 steps down”, about the murder of the royal family. So, one of the most serious political mistakes of Nicholas II was the decision to become the most supreme commander in 1915. It was, if you like, the first step towards renunciation!

- And only Alexandra Feodorovna supported this decision?

She convinced him! Alexandra Fedorovna was a very strong-willed, very smart and very cunning woman. What did she fight for? For the future of their son. She was afraid that Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich (commander-in-chief Russian army in 1914-1915 - ed.), who was very popular in the army, will deprive Nike of the throne and become emperor himself. Let us leave aside the question of whether this was actually the case.

But, believing in the desire of Nikolai Nikolaevich to take the Russian throne, the empress began to intrigue. “In this difficult time of trials, only you can lead the army, you must do it, this is your duty,” she persuaded her husband. And Nikolai succumbed to her persuasion, sent his uncle to command the Caucasian front and took command of the Russian army. He did not listen to his mother, who begged him not to take a disastrous step - she just perfectly understood that if he became commander in chief, all the failures at the front would be associated with his name; nor the eight ministers who wrote him a petition; nor State Duma Chairman Rodzianko.

The emperor left the capital, lived for months at headquarters, and as a result could not return to the capital, where a revolution took place in his absence.

Emperor Nicholas II and commanders of the fronts at a meeting of the Headquarters

Nicholas II at the front

Nicholas II with Generals Alekseev and Pustovoitenko at Headquarters

What kind of person was the empress? You said - strong-willed, smart. But at the same time, she gives the impression of a sad, melancholy, cold, closed person ...

I wouldn't say she was cold. Read their letters - after all, in letters a person opens up. She is a passionate, loving woman. A woman of power who fights for what she sees fit, fighting to ensure that the throne is passed to her son despite his terminal illness. You can understand her, but she, in my opinion, lacked the breadth of her vision.

We will not say why Rasputin acquired such influence over her. I am deeply convinced that the matter is not only in the sick Tsarevich Alexei, whom he helped. The fact is that the Empress herself needed a person who would support her in this hostile world for her. She arrived, shy, embarrassed, in front of her is the rather strong Empress Maria Feodorovna, whom the court loves. Maria Fedorovna loves balls, but Alix does not like balls. Petersburg society is accustomed to dancing, accustomed to, accustomed to having fun, and the new empress is a completely different person.

Nicholas II with his mother Maria Feodorovna

Nicholas II with his wife

Nicholas II with Alexandra Feodorovna

Gradually, the relationship between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law gets worse and worse. And in the end it comes to a complete break. Maria Fedorovna, in her last diary before the revolution, in 1916, calls Alexandra Fedorovna only "fury". “This fury” - she can’t even write her name ...

Elements of the great crisis that led to the renunciation

- Nevertheless, Nikolai and Alexandra were a wonderful family, right?

Definitely a wonderful family! They sit, read books to each other, their correspondence is wonderful, tender. They love each other, they are spiritually close, physically close, they have wonderful children. Children are different, some of them are more serious, some, like Anastasia, more mischievous, some secretly smoke.

About the atmosphere in the family of Nikolai II and Alexandra Feodorovna
From the memoirs of Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna

The emperor and his wife were always tender in their relations with each other and children, and it was so pleasant to be in an atmosphere of love and family happiness.

At a costume ball. 1903

But after the assassination of Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich (Governor-General of Moscow, uncle of Nicholas II, husband of Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna - ed.) in 1905, the family locks up in Tsarskoe Selo, no more - not a single big ball, the last big ball takes place in 1903, a costume ball, where Nikolai is in the costume of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, Alexander is in the costume of the queen. And then they become more and more closed.

Alexandra Fedorovna did not understand much, did not understand the situation in the country. For example, failures in the war... When you are told that Russia almost won the First World War, do not believe it. A serious socio-economic crisis was growing in Russia. First of all, he manifested himself in the inability railways deal with traffic. It was impossible to simultaneously deliver food to big cities and carry military supplies to the front. Despite the railway boom that began under Witte in the 1880s, Russia had a poorly developed railway network compared to European countries.

Groundbreaking ceremony for the Trans-Siberian Railway

- Despite the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway, was this not enough for such a large country?

Absolutely! This was not enough, the railways could not cope. Why am I talking about this? When food shortages began in Petrograd, in Moscow, what does Alexandra Fyodorovna write to her husband? "Our Friend advises (Friend - so Alexandra Fedorovna called Rasputin in correspondence. - Ed.): order to attach one or two wagons with food to each echelon that goes to the front. To write this means to be completely unaware of what is happening. This is a search simple solutions, solutions to the problem, the roots of which do not lie in this at all! What is one or two carriages for the multi-million dollar Petrograd and Moscow?..

Yet it grew!

Prince Felix Yusupov, participant in the conspiracy against Rasputin

Two or three years ago we received the Yusupov archive - Viktor Fedorovich Vekselberg bought it and donated it State archive. This archive contains letters from the teacher Felix Yusupov in the Corps of Pages, who went with Yusupov to Rakitnoye, where he was exiled after participating in the murder of Rasputin. Two weeks before the revolution, he returned to Petrograd. And he writes to Felix, who is still in Rakitnoye: “Can you imagine that I haven’t seen or eaten a piece of meat in two weeks?” There is no meat! The bakeries are closed because there is no flour. And this is not the result of some malicious conspiracy, as they sometimes write about it, which is complete nonsense and nonsense. And evidence of the crisis that has gripped the country.

The leader of the Cadets, Milyukov, speaks in the State Duma - he seems to be a wonderful historian, a wonderful person - but what does he say from the Duma rostrum? He throws accusations after accusations against the government, addressing them to Nicholas II, of course, and ends each passage with the words: “What is this? Stupidity or treason? The word "treason" has already been dropped.

It's always easy to blame your failures on someone else. It's not we who fight badly, it's treason! Rumors begin to circulate that from Tsarskoye Selo the empress has a direct gold cable laid to Wilhelm's headquarters, that she is selling state secrets. When she arrives at headquarters, the officers are defiantly silent in her presence. It's like a snowball growing! The economy, the railroad crisis, failures at the front, the political crisis, Rasputin, the family split - all these are elements of a great crisis, which eventually led to the abdication of the emperor and the collapse of the monarchy.

By the way, I am sure that those people who thought about the abdication of Nicholas II, and he himself, did not at all assume that this was the end of the monarchy. Why? Because they had no experience political struggle, did not understand that they do not change horses at the crossing! Therefore, the commanders of the fronts, as one, wrote to Nicholas that in order to save the Motherland and continue the war, he must abdicate the throne.

About the situation at the beginning of the war

From the memoirs of Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna

In the beginning, the war went well. Every day a crowd of Muscovites staged patriotic demonstrations in the square opposite our house. The people in the front rows held flags and portraits of the emperor and empress. With bare heads they sang National anthem, shouted words of approval and greetings and calmly dispersed. People took it as entertainment. Enthusiasm took on more and more violent forms, but the authorities did not want to prevent this expression of loyal feelings, people refused to leave the square and disperse. The last gathering turned into rampant drinking and ended with bottles and stones thrown at our windows. The police were called and lined up along the sidewalk to block access to our house. Excited cries and muffled murmurs of the crowd came from the street all night.

About the bomb in the temple and the changing moods

From the memoirs of Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna

On Easter Eve, when we were in Tsarskoye Selo, a conspiracy was uncovered. Two members of the terrorist organization, disguised as singers, tried to get into the choir, which sang at services in the palace church. Apparently, they planned to carry bombs under their clothes and detonate them in the church during the Easter service. The emperor, although he knew about the plot, went with his family to church as usual. Many people were arrested that day. Nothing happened, but it was the saddest service I have ever attended.

Abdication of the throne of Emperor Nicholas II.

There are still myths about the renunciation - that it had no legal force, or that the emperor was forced to abdicate ...

This just surprises me! How can you say such nonsense? You see, the renunciation manifesto was published in all the papers, in all! And in the year and a half that Nikolai lived after that, he never said: “No, they forced me, this is not my real renunciation!”

The attitude towards the emperor and empress in society is also “steps down”: from delight and devotion to ridicule and aggression?

When Rasputin was killed, Nicholas II was at headquarters in Mogilev, and the Empress was in the capital. What is she doing? Alexandra Fedorovna summons the Petrograd Chief of Police and orders the arrest of Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovich and Yusupov, participants in the murder of Rasputin. This caused an outburst of indignation in the family. Who is she?! What right does she have to order someone to be arrested? This proves 100% who rules with us - not Nikolai, but Alexandra!

Then the family (mother, grand dukes and grand duchesses) turned to Nikolai with a request not to punish Dmitry Pavlovich. Nikolay imposed a resolution on the document: “I am surprised by your appeal to me. No one is allowed to kill!" Decent answer? Of course yes! No one dictated this to him, he himself, from the depths of his soul, wrote it.

In general, Nicholas II as a person can be respected - he was an honest, decent person. But not too smart and without a strong will.

“I don’t feel sorry for myself, but I feel sorry for the people”

Alexander III and Maria Feodorovna

The phrase of Nicholas II is known after the abdication: "I do not feel sorry for myself, but I feel sorry for the people." He really rooted for the people, for the country. How well did he know his people?

I will give you an example from another area. When Maria Fedorovna married Alexander Alexandrovich and when they - then the Tsarevich and Tsesarevna - traveled around Russia, she described such a situation in her diary. She, who grew up in a rather poor but democratic Danish royal court, could not understand why her beloved Sasha did not want to communicate with the people. He does not want to leave the ship on which they traveled, to the people, he does not want to take bread and salt, he is absolutely not interested in all this.

But she arranged it so that he had to get off at one of the points of their route, where they landed. He did everything flawlessly: he received the foremen, bread and salt, charmed everyone. He came back and ... gave her a wild scandal: he stamped his feet, broke the lamp. She was horrified! Her sweet and beloved Sasha, who is throwing a kerosene lamp on the wooden floor, is about to burst into flames! She couldn't understand why? Because the unity of the king and the people was like a theater where everyone played their roles.

Even chronicle footage has been preserved of Nicholas II sailing away from Kostroma in 1913. People go into the water up to their chests, stretch their hands to him, this is the king-father ... and after 4 years these same people sing shameful ditties about both the king and the queen!

- The fact that, for example, his daughters were sisters of mercy, was it also a theater?

No, I think it was sincere. They were still deeply religious people, and, of course, Christianity and mercy are almost synonymous. The girls really were sisters of mercy, Alexandra Fedorovna really assisted in operations. Some of the daughters liked it, some didn't, but they were no exception among the imperial family, among the Romanovs. They gave their palaces for hospitals - there was a hospital in the Winter Palace, and not only the emperor's family, but also other grand duchesses. The men fought and the women did charity work. So mercy is just not ostentatious.

Princess Tatiana in the hospital

Alexandra Fedorovna - sister of mercy

Princesses with the wounded in the infirmary of Tsarskoye Selo, winter 1915-16

But in a sense, any court action, any court ceremony is a theater, with its own scenario, with its own actors and so on.

Nicholas II and Alexandra Fedorovna in the hospital for the wounded

From the memoirs of Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna

The Empress, who spoke Russian very well, made her rounds through the wards and talked for a long time with each patient. I walked behind and not so much listened to the words - she said the same thing to everyone - how much I watched the expression on their faces. Despite the sincere sympathy of the empress for the suffering of the wounded, something prevented her from expressing her true feelings and comforting those to whom she addressed. Although she spoke Russian correctly and almost without an accent, people did not understand her: her words did not find a response in their souls. They looked at her with fear when she approached and started a conversation. I visited hospitals with the emperor more than once. His visits looked different. The emperor behaved simply and charmingly. With his appearance, a special atmosphere of joy arose. Despite his small stature, he always seemed taller than everyone present and moved from bed to bed with extraordinary dignity. After a short conversation with him, the expression of anxious expectation in the eyes of the patients was replaced by a joyful animation.

1917 - This year marks the 100th anniversary of the revolution. How, in your opinion, should we talk about it, how should we approach the discussion of this topic? Ipatiev house

How was the decision to canonize them made? "Dug", as you say, weighed. After all, the commission did not immediately declare him a martyr, there were quite big disputes on this score. After all, it was not in vain that he was canonized as a martyr, as one who gave his life for the Orthodox faith. Not because he was an emperor, not because he was an outstanding statesman, but because he did not renounce Orthodoxy. Until their martyr's end, the royal family constantly invited priests who served Mass, even in the Ipatiev House, not to mention Tobolsk. The family of Nicholas II was a deeply religious family.

- But even about canonization there are different opinions.

They were canonized as passion-bearers - what different opinions can there be?

Some insist that the canonization was hasty and politically motivated. What to say to that?

From the report of the Metropolitan of Krutitsy and Kolomna Yuvenaly,Chairman of the Synodal Commission for the Canonization of Saints at the Bishops' Jubilee Council

... Behind the many sufferings endured by the Royal Family over the last 17 months of their lives, which ended with execution in the basement of the Yekaterinburg Ipatiev House on the night of July 17, 1918, we see people who sincerely strived to embody the commandments of the Gospel in their lives. In the suffering endured by the Royal Family in captivity with meekness, patience and humility, in their martyrdom, the light of Christ's faith conquering evil was revealed, just as it shone in the life and death of millions of Orthodox Christians who suffered persecution for Christ in the 20th century. It is in understanding this feat of the Royal Family that the Commission, in complete unanimity and with the approval of the Holy Synod, finds it possible to glorify in the Cathedral of the New Martyrs and Confessors of Russia in the face of the Passion-Bearers Emperor Nicholas II, Empress Alexandra, Tsarevich Alexy, Grand Duchesses Olga, Tatyana, Maria and Anastasia.

- How do you generally assess the level of discussions about Nicholas II, about the imperial family, about 1917 today?

What is a discussion? How can you argue with the ignorant? In order to say something, a person must know at least something, if he does not know anything, it is useless to discuss with him. So much rubbish has appeared in recent years about the royal family and the situation in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. But what is pleasing is that there are also very serious works, for example, studies by Boris Nikolaevich Mironov, Mikhail Abramovich Davydov, which are engaged in economic history. So Boris Nikolaevich Mironov has a wonderful work, where he analyzed the metric data of people who were called up for military service. When a person was called up for service, his height, weight, and so on were measured. Mironov was able to establish that in the fifty years that have passed since the liberation of the serfs, the growth of conscripts has increased by 6-7 centimeters!

- That is, they began to eat better?

Certainly! Live better! But what did Soviet historiography talk about? "The exacerbation, beyond the ordinary, of the needs and calamities of the oppressed classes," "relative impoverishment," "absolute impoverishment," and so on. In fact, as I understand it, if you believe the works that I named - and I have no reason not to believe them - the revolution did not come about because people began to live worse, but because, paradoxically as it sounds, what is better began to live! But everyone wanted to live even better. The situation of the people even after the reform was extremely difficult, the situation was terrible: the working day was 11 hours, terrible working conditions, but in the countryside they began to eat better, dress better. There was a protest against the slow movement forward, we wanted to go faster.

Sergei Mironenko.
Photo: Alexander Bury / russkiymir.ru

They don't look for good from good, in other words? Sounds menacing...

Why?

Because one involuntarily wants to draw an analogy with our days: over the past 25 years, people have learned that it is possible to live better ...

They don't look for good from good, yes. For example, the Narodnaya Volya revolutionaries who killed Alexander II, the liberator Tsar, were also dissatisfied. Although he is the king-liberator, he is indecisive! He does not want to go further in the reforms - he needs to be pushed. If he doesn't go, he must be killed, those who oppress the people must be killed... You can't fence yourself off from this. We need to understand why this all happened. I do not advise you to draw analogies with today, because analogies are usually erroneous.

Usually today they repeat something else: the words of Klyuchevsky that history is a warden who punishes for ignorance of her lessons; that those who do not know their history are doomed to repeat its mistakes...

Of course, one must know history not only in order not to make the same mistakes. I think the main thing for which you need to know your history is in order to feel like a citizen of your country. Without knowing your own history, you cannot be a citizen, in literally this word.

Nature did not give Nikolai the properties important for the sovereign, which his late father possessed. Most importantly, Nikolai did not have a "mind of the heart" - political instinct, foresight and that inner strength that those around him feel and obey. However, Nikolai himself felt his weakness, helplessness in the face of fate. He even foresaw his own bitter fate: "I will undergo severe trials, but I will not see a reward on earth." Nikolai considered himself an eternal loser: “I can’t do anything in my endeavors. I have no luck "... In addition, he not only turned out to be unprepared for rule, but also did not like state affairs, which were torment for him, a heavy burden: "A day of rest for me - no reports, no receptions ... I read a lot - again they sent heaps of papers ... ”(from the diary). There was no paternal passion in him, no dedication to business. He said: "I ... try not to think about anything and find that this is the only way to rule Russia." At the same time, it was extremely difficult to deal with him. Nicholas was secretive, vindictive. Witte called him a "Byzantine", who knew how to attract a person with his confidence, and then deceive him. One wit wrote about the king: “He doesn’t lie, but he doesn’t tell the truth either.”

KHODYNKA

And three days later [after the coronation of Nicholas on May 14, 1896 in the Assumption Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin] a terrible tragedy occurred on the suburban Khodynka field, where the festivities were to take place. Already in the evening, on the eve of the day of festivities, thousands of people began to gather there, hoping to be among the first to receive in the morning in the “buffet” (of which hundreds were prepared) a royal gift - one of 400 thousand gifts wrapped in a colored scarf, consisting of a “grocery set” ( half a pound of sausage, bacon, sweets, nuts, gingerbread), and most importantly - an outlandish, "eternal" enameled mug with a royal monogram and gilding. The Khodynka field was a training ground and was all pitted with ditches, trenches and pits. The night turned out to be moonless, dark, crowds of "guests" arrived and arrived, heading towards the "buffets". People, not seeing the road in front of them, fell into pits and ditches, and from behind they were crowded and crowded by those who approached from Moscow. […]

In total, by morning, about half a million Muscovites had gathered on Khodynka, compressed into huge crowds. As V. A. Gilyarovsky recalled,

“Steam began to rise above the million-strong crowd, like a swamp fog ... The crush was terrible. Many were made ill, some fainted, unable to get out or even fall: senseless, with eyes closed, compressed, as in a vise, they swayed along with the mass.

The crush intensified when bartenders, in fear of the onslaught of the crowd, without waiting for the announced deadline, began to distribute gifts ...

According to official figures, 1389 people died, although in reality there were many more victims. The blood froze even among the worldly-wise military and firefighters: scalped heads, crushed chests, premature babies lying in the dust ... The Tsar learned about this catastrophe in the morning, but did not cancel any of the planned festivities and in the evening opened a ball with the charming wife of the French ambassador Montebello ... And although later the king visited hospitals and donated money to the families of the dead, it was already too late. The indifference shown by the sovereign to his people in the first hours of the catastrophe cost him dearly. He was nicknamed "Nicholas the Bloody".

NICHOLAS II AND THE ARMY

When he was the heir to the throne, the young Sovereign received thorough drill training, not only in the guards, but also in the army infantry. At the request of his sovereign father, he served as a junior officer in the 65th Moscow Infantry Regiment (the first case of placing a member of the Royal House in the army infantry). The observant and sensitive Tsarevich got acquainted in every detail with the life of the troops and, having become the All-Russian Emperor, turned all his attention to improving this life. His first orders streamlined production in the chief officer ranks, increased salaries and pensions, and improved the allowance of soldiers. He canceled the passage with a ceremonial march, running, knowing from experience how hard it is given to the troops.

Emperor Nikolai Alexandrovich preserved this love and affection for the troops until his martyr's death. Characteristic of the love of Emperor Nicholas II for the troops is his avoidance of the official term "lower rank". The sovereign considered him too dry, official and always used the words: “Cossack”, “hussar”, “shooter”, etc. One cannot read the lines of the Tobolsk diary of the dark days of the accursed year without deep emotion:

December 6. My name day... At 12 o'clock a prayer service was served. The arrows of the 4th regiment, who were in the garden, who were on guard, all congratulated me, and I congratulated them on the regimental holiday.

FROM THE DIARY OF NICHOLAS II IN 1905

June 15th. Wednesday. Hot quiet day. Alix and I hosted at the Farm for a very long time and were an hour late for breakfast. Uncle Alexei was waiting for him with the children in the garden. Did a great kayak ride. Aunt Olga came to tea. Bathed in the sea. Ride after lunch.

I received stunning news from Odessa that the crew of the battleship Prince Potemkin-Tavrichesky, who had arrived there, rebelled, killed the officers and took possession of the ship, threatening unrest in the city. I just can't believe it!

Today the war with Turkey began. Early in the morning, the Turkish squadron approached Sevastopol in the fog and opened fire on the batteries, and left half an hour later. At the same time, "Breslau" bombarded Feodosia, and "Goeben" appeared in front of Novorossiysk.

The German scoundrels continue to retreat hastily into western Poland.

MANIFESTO ON THE DISSOLUTION OF THE FIRST STATE DUMA JULY 9, 1906

By Our will, people chosen from the population were called to legislative construction […] Firmly trusting in the mercy of God, believing in the bright and great future of Our people, We expected from their labors the good and benefit for the country. […] In all branches of people's life We have planned major transformations, and in the first place has always been Our main concern to dispel the darkness of the people with the light of enlightenment and the hardships of the people by easing land labor. A severe test has been sent down to Our expectations. Elected from the population, instead of working on the construction of the legislative, evaded into an area that did not belong to them and turned to investigating the actions of the local authorities appointed by Us, to pointing out to Us the imperfection of the Fundamental Laws, changes to which can only be undertaken by Our Monarch's will, and to actions that are clearly illegal, as appeal on behalf of the Duma to the population. […]

Embarrassed by such disturbances, the peasantry, not expecting a legitimate improvement in their situation, went over in a number of provinces to open robbery, theft of other people's property, disobedience to the law and legitimate authorities. […]

But let Our subjects remember that only with complete order and tranquility is it possible to achieve a lasting improvement in the way of life of the people. Let it be known that We will not allow any self-will or lawlessness and with all the power of state power we will bring those who disobey the law to submission to Our Royal will. We call on all well-meaning Russian people to unite to maintain legitimate power and restore peace in our dear Fatherland.

May peace be restored in the Russian land, and may the Almighty help Us to carry out the most important of Our Royal works - raising the welfare of the peasantry. an honest way to expand your landholding. Persons of other estates will, at Our call, make every effort to carry out this great task, the final decision of which in the legislative order will belong to the future composition of the Duma.

We, dissolving the current composition of the State Duma, at the same time confirm Our unchanging intention to keep in force the very law on the establishment of this institution and, in accordance with this Decree to Our Governing Senate on July 8, set the time for its new convocation on February 20, 1907 of the year.

MANIFESTO ON THE DISSOLUTION OF THE 2nd STATE DUMA JUNE 3, 1907

To our regret, a significant part of the composition of the Second State Duma did not live up to our expectations. Not with a pure heart, not with a desire to strengthen Russia and improve its system, many of the people sent from the population set to work, but with a clear desire to increase confusion and contribute to the decay of the state. The activities of these persons in the State Duma served as an insurmountable obstacle to fruitful work. A spirit of hostility was introduced into the midst of the Duma itself, which prevented a sufficient number of its members from uniting who wanted to work for the benefit of their native land.

For this reason, the State Duma either did not consider the extensive measures worked out by our government at all, or slowed down the discussion or rejected it, not stopping even at the rejection of laws that punished the open praise of crimes and strictly punished the sowers of unrest in the troops. Avoiding condemnation of murder and violence. The State Duma did not render moral assistance to the government in the matter of establishing order, and Russia continues to experience the shame of criminal hard times. The slow consideration by the State Duma of the state painting caused difficulty in timely satisfaction of many urgent needs of the people.

The right to make inquiries to the government has been turned by a significant portion of the Duma into a means of fighting the government and inciting distrust in it among the broad sections of the population. Finally, an act unheard of in the annals of history was accomplished. The judiciary uncovered a conspiracy of an entire section of the State Duma against the state and the tsarist government. But when our government demanded the temporary removal of the fifty-five members of the Duma accused of this crime and the imprisonment of the most exposed of them, until the end of the trial, the State Duma did not comply with the immediate legal demand of the authorities, which did not allow for any delay. […]

Created to strengthen the Russian state, the State Duma must be Russian in spirit. Other nationalities that were part of our state should have representatives of their needs in the State Duma, but they should not and will not be among the number that gives them the opportunity to be the arbiters of purely Russian issues. In the same outskirts of the state, where the population has not achieved sufficient development of citizenship, the elections to the State Duma should be temporarily suspended.

Holy fools and Rasputin

The king, and especially the queen, were subject to mysticism. The closest maid of honor of Alexandra Feodorovna and Nicholas II, Anna Alexandrovna Vyrubova (Taneeva), wrote in her memoirs: “The sovereign, like his ancestor Alexander I, was always mystical; the Empress was equally mystical… Their Majesties said that they believe that there are people, as in the time of the Apostles… who possess the grace of God and whose prayer the Lord hears.”

Because of this, in the Winter Palace one could often see various holy fools, "blessed", fortune tellers, people who were supposedly able to influence the fate of people. This is Pasha the perspicacious, and Matryona the sandal, and Mitya Kozelsky, and Anastasia Nikolaevna Leuchtenbergskaya (Stana) - the wife of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich Jr. The doors of the royal palace were wide open for all kinds of rogues and adventurers, such as, for example, the Frenchman Philippe (real name - Nizier Vachol), who presented the empress with an icon with a bell, which was supposed to ring when approaching Alexandra Feodorovna people "with bad intentions" .

But the crown of royal mysticism was Grigory Efimovich Rasputin, who managed to completely subjugate the queen, and through her the king. “Now it is not the tsar who rules, but the rogue Rasputin,” Bogdanovich noted in February 1912, “All respect for the tsar is gone.” The same idea was expressed on August 3, 1916 by former Minister of Foreign Affairs S.D. Sazonov in a conversation with M. Paleolog: "The Emperor reigns, but the Empress, inspired by Rasputin, rules."

Rasputin […] quickly recognized all the weaknesses of the royal couple and skillfully used this. Alexandra Fedorovna wrote to her husband in September 1916: “I fully believe in the wisdom of our Friend, sent down to Him by God, to advise what you and our country need.” “Listen to Him,” she instructed Nicholas II, “... God sent Him to you as assistants and leaders.” […]

It came to the point that individual governor-generals, chief prosecutors of the Holy Synod and ministers were appointed and removed by the tsar on the recommendation of Rasputin, transmitted through the tsarina. On January 20, 1916, on his advice, he was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers V.V. Stürmer is "an absolutely unprincipled person and a complete nonentity", as Shulgin described him.

Radtsig E.S. Nicholas II in the memoirs of those close to him. New and recent history. No. 2, 1999

REFORM AND COUNTER-REFORMS

The most promising path of development for the country through consistent democratic reforms turned out to be impossible. Although it was marked, as if by a dotted line, even under Alexander I, in the future it was either subjected to distortions or even interrupted. Under the autocratic form of government, which throughout the XIX century. remained unshakable in Russia, the decisive word on any question of the fate of the country belonged to the monarchs. They, by the whim of history, alternated: the reformer Alexander I - the reactionary Nicholas I, the reformer Alexander II - the counter-reformer Alexander III (Nicholas II, who ascended the throne in 1894, also had to reform after his father's counter-reforms at the beginning of the next century) .

DEVELOPMENT OF RUSSIA DURING THE BOARD OF NICHOLAS II

The main executor of all the transformations in the first decade of the reign of Nicholas II (1894-1904) was S.Yu. Witte. A talented financier and statesman, S. Witte, heading the Ministry of Finance in 1892, promised Alexander III without carrying out political reforms, in 20 years to make Russia one of the leading industrialized countries.

The industrialization policy developed by Witte required significant capital investments from the budget. One of the sources of capital was the introduction of the state monopoly on wine and vodka products in 1894, which became the main budget revenue item.

In 1897, a monetary reform was carried out. Measures to raise taxes, increase gold mining, and conclude foreign loans made it possible to put into circulation gold coins instead of paper notes, which helped to attract foreign capital to Russia and strengthen the country's monetary system, thanks to which the state's income doubled. The reform of commercial and industrial taxation, carried out in 1898, introduced a trade tax.

The real result of Witte's economic policy was the accelerated development of industrial and railway construction. In the period from 1895 to 1899, an average of 3,000 kilometers of tracks per year were built in the country.

By 1900, Russia came out on top in the world in oil production.

By the end of 1903, there were 23,000 factory enterprises operating in Russia, with approximately 2,200,000 workers. Politics S.Yu. Witte gave impetus to the development of Russian industry, commercial and industrial entrepreneurship, and the economy.

Under the project of P.A. Stolypin, an agrarian reform was launched: the peasants were allowed to freely dispose of their land, leave the community and run a farm economy. The attempt to abolish the rural community was of great importance for the development of capitalist relations in the countryside.

Chapter 19. The reign of Nicholas II (1894-1917). Russian history

THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

On the same day, July 29, at the insistence of the chief general staff Yanushkevich, Nicholas II signed a decree on general mobilization. In the evening, the head of the mobilization department of the general staff, General Dobrorolsky, arrived at the building of the St. Petersburg main telegraph office and personally brought there the text of the decree on mobilization for communication to all parts of the empire. There were literally a few minutes left before the devices were supposed to start transmitting the telegram. And suddenly Dobrorolsky was given the order of the king to suspend the transmission of the decree. It turned out that the tsar received a new telegram from Wilhelm. In his telegram, the Kaiser again assured that he would try to reach an agreement between Russia and Austria, and asked the Tsar not to hinder this with military preparations. After reviewing the telegram, Nikolai informed Sukhomlinov that he was canceling the decree on general mobilization. The tsar decided to confine himself to a partial mobilization directed only against Austria.

Sazonov, Yanushkevich and Sukhomlinov were extremely concerned that Nicholas had succumbed to the influence of Wilhelm. They were afraid that Germany would overtake Russia in the concentration and deployment of the army. They met on July 30 in the morning and decided to try to convince the king. Yanushkevich and Sukhomlinov tried to do it over the phone. However, Nikolai dryly announced to Yanushkevich that he was ending the conversation. The general nevertheless managed to inform the tsar that Sazonov was present in the room, who would also like to say a few words to him. After a pause, the king agreed to listen to the minister. Sazonov asked for an audience for an urgent report. Nikolai was silent again, and then offered to come to him at 3 o'clock. Sazonov agreed with his interlocutors that if he convinced the tsar, he would immediately call Yanushkevich from the Peterhof Palace, and he would give an order to the main telegraph to the officer on duty to communicate the decree to all military districts. “After that,” Yanushkevich said, “I will leave home, break the phone, and generally make sure that I can no longer be found for a new cancellation of the general mobilization.”

For almost a whole hour, Sazonov proved to Nikolai that war was inevitable anyway, since Germany was striving for it, and that under these conditions it was extremely dangerous to delay general mobilization. In the end, Nikolai agreed. […] From the vestibule, Sazonov called Yanushkevich and informed him of the tsar's approval. "Now you can break your phone," he added. At 5 o'clock in the evening on July 30, all the apparatuses of the main St. Petersburg telegraph began to pound. They sent the tsar's decree on general mobilization to all military districts. July 31, in the morning, he became public.

Beginning of the First World War. History of Diplomacy. Volume 2. Edited by V.P. Potemkin. Moscow-Leningrad, 1945

THE BOARD OF NICHOLAS II IN THE ESTIMATIONS OF HISTORIANS

In emigration, there was a split among researchers in assessing the personality of the last king. Disputes often took on a sharp character, and the participants in the discussions took opposite positions from praising on the right conservative flank to criticism from the liberals and vilification on the left, socialist flank.

S. Oldenburg, N. Markov, I. Solonevich belonged to the monarchists who worked in exile. According to I. Solonevich: “Nicholas II is a man of “average abilities”, faithfully and honestly did everything for Russia that He knew how, that He could. No one else could and could not do more ... "Left historians speak of Emperor Nicholas II as mediocrity, right - as an idol, whose talent or mediocrity is not subject to discussion." […].

The even more right-wing monarchist N. Markov noted: “The sovereign himself was slandered and discredited in the eyes of his people, he could not withstand the vicious pressure of all those who, it would seem, were obliged to strengthen and defend the monarchy in every possible way” […].

The largest researcher of the reign of the last Russian Tsar is S. Oldenburg, whose work remains of paramount importance in the 21st century. For any researcher of the Nikolaev period of Russian history, it is necessary, in the process of studying this era, to get acquainted with the work of S. Oldenburg "The Reign of Emperor Nicholas II". […].

The left-liberal direction was represented by P. N. Milyukov, who stated in the book “The Second Russian Revolution”: “Concessions to power (Manifesto of October 17, 1905) could not satisfy society and the people not only because they were insufficient and incomplete. They were insincere and deceitful, and the power that gave them herself did not for a minute look at them as having been ceded forever and completely.

The socialist A.F. Kerensky wrote in the History of Russia: “The reign of Nicholas II was fatal for Russia due to his personal qualities. But he was clear on one thing: having entered the war and linking the fate of Russia with the fate of the countries allied with her, he did not make any tempting compromises with Germany until the very end, until his martyr's death […]. The king carried the burden of power. She internally burdened him ... He did not have the will to power. He kept it by oath and tradition” […].

Modern Russian historians assess the reign of the last Russian tsar in different ways. The same split was observed among researchers of the reign of Nicholas II in exile. Some of them were monarchists, others adhered to liberal views, and others considered themselves supporters of socialism. In our time, the historiography of the reign of Nicholas II can be divided into three areas, such as in emigre literature. But in relation to the post-Soviet period, clarifications are also needed: modern researchers who praise the tsar are not necessarily monarchists, although there is certainly a certain trend: A. Bokhanov, O. Platonov, V. Multatuli, M. Nazarov.

A. Bokhanov, the largest modern historian of the study of pre-revolutionary Russia, positively assesses the reign of Emperor Nicholas II: “In 1913, peace, order, and prosperity reigned all around. Russia confidently went forward, no unrest happened. The industry was operating at full capacity, Agriculture developed dynamically, and every year brought more and more harvests. Prosperity grew, and the purchasing power of the population increased year by year. The rearmament of the army has begun, a few more years - and Russian military power will become the first force in the world ” […].

The conservative historian V. Shambarov speaks positively about the last tsar, noting that the tsar was too soft in dealing with his political enemies, who were also enemies of Russia: “Russia was not destroyed by autocratic “despotism”, but rather by the weakness and toothlessness of power.” The tsar too often tried to find a compromise, to agree with the liberals, so that there would be no bloodshed between the government and part of the people deceived by the liberals and socialists. To do this, Nicholas II dismissed decent, competent ministers loyal to the monarchy, and instead of them appointed either non-professionals or secret enemies of the autocratic monarchy, or swindlers. […].

M. Nazarov in his book “To the Leader of the Third Rome” drew attention to the aspect of the global conspiracy of the financial elite to overthrow the Russian monarchy… […] According to the description of Admiral A. Bubnov, an atmosphere of conspiracy reigned in the Stavka. At the decisive moment, in response to Alekseev's cleverly formulated request for abdication, only two generals publicly expressed their loyalty to the Sovereign and their readiness to lead their troops to quell the rebellion (General Khan Nakhichevan and General Count F.A. Keller). The rest greeted the renunciation with red bows. Including the future founders of the White Army, Generals Alekseev and Kornilov (the latter then fell to announce to the royal family the order of the Provisional Government on her arrest). Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich also violated the oath on March 1, 1917 - even before the abdication of the Tsar and as a means of putting pressure on him! - removed his military unit(Guards crew) from the protection of the royal family, under a red flag, appeared in the State Duma, provided this headquarters of the Masonic revolution with its guardsmen to protect the arrested tsarist ministers and issued an appeal to other troops "to join the new government." "All around cowardice, and treason, and deceit," - these were last words in the royal diary on the night of the renunciation […].

Representatives of the old socialist ideology, for example, A.M. Anfimov and E.S. Radzig, on the contrary, negatively assess the reign of the last Russian tsar, calling the years of his reign a chain of crimes against the people.

Between the two directions - praise and excessively harsh, unfair criticism, there are the works of Ananich B.V., N.V. Kuznetsov and P. Cherkasov. […]

P. Cherkasov adheres to the middle in assessing the reign of Nicholas: “From the pages of all the works mentioned in the review, the tragic personality of the last Russian tsar appears - a deeply decent and delicate man to the point of shyness, an exemplary Christian, a loving husband and father, faithful to his duty and at the same time not outstanding statesman, a prisoner once and for all assimilated beliefs in the inviolability of the order of things bequeathed to him by his ancestors. He was neither a despot, nor even an executioner of his people, as our official historiography claimed, but he was not even a saint during his lifetime, as is sometimes claimed now, although by his martyrdom he undoubtedly atoned for all the sins and mistakes of his reign. The drama of Nicholas II as a politician is in his mediocrity, in the discrepancy between the scale of his personality and the challenge of the times” […].

And finally, there are historians of liberal views, such as K. Shatsillo, A. Utkin. According to the first: “Nicholas II, unlike his grandfather Alexander II, not only did not give overdue reforms, but even if the revolutionary movement pulled them out by force, he stubbornly strove to take back what was given “in a moment of hesitation”. All this "driven" the country into a new revolution, made it completely inevitable ... A. Utkin went even further, agreeing that the Russian government was one of the culprits of the First World War, wanting a clash with Germany. At the same time, the tsarist administration simply did not calculate the strength of Russia: “Criminal pride has ruined Russia. Under no circumstances should she go to war with the industrial champion of the continent. Russia had the opportunity to avoid a fatal conflict with Germany.